ZSF has now assumed a living character and is now probably the most organized Social Forum in the region if not the whole of Africa. This has largely been because of serious ideological and strategic debates and fights in the ZSF over the way forward. The growing success of ZSF has vindicated the arguments of the radical social movements and revolutionary socialists that rather than follow the model of a mere annual talk show or space run from above by loose, un-elected and unaccountable leadership structures dominated by NGO elites characteristic of most social forum processes on the continent, the way to go for ZSF was to become a radical living Social Forum with defined, accountable and democratically elected leadership structures rooted in the social movements and ordinary masses and one which actively supports and facilitates, in action and not just talk, the daily bread and butter struggles of the poor against neoliberal capitalism and the Zanu PF political dictatorship. The historic ZSF Annual Strategic Planning meeting of 10 March 2007 adopted the later approach and obliged all ZSF structures from regions, clusters and commissions to renew, democratically, leadership structures as well as accelerate campaigns of resistance.
So far many clusters and regions have met electing leaderships and adopting campaigns of resistance, as shown below. Unfortunately a few clusters, regions and NOC commissions are still lagging behind.
HIV and AIDS Cluster
The cluster had its first meeting this year on the 3rd May where they selected their AIDS Council Committee led by cde Douglas, deputized by cde Sibongile. They adopted three key campaigns on health, education and running consumer co-operatives to ensure the availability of affordable and subsidised food and other basics. Citing the articulated government policy stating that no pupils should be suspended for non-payment of fees, they wrote letters to several school heads demanding reinstatement of pupils whose parents are HIV and AIDS patients who had been suspended from schools because of non-payment of fees and levies.
The campaign was indeed a success for most school heads and the ministry of education had no objections to the idea but only expressed that it needs to be done early in the year before schools open so that they have a comprehensive list of pupils who need such exemption . The campaign must grow to include a right to education for all children and run in conjunction with other clusters like the youths, disability and gender clusters. The cluster also agreed to run community health forums in the townships demanding the right to free treatment and free ARVs drugs to all HIV and AIDS patients. These are yet to kick off. The cluster also successfully organized this year’s commemorations on the Global AIDS commemorations week in Chitungwiza
Labour Cluster
They had their initial cluster meeting on the 25th April and agreed to let cde Canwell, the ZCTU nominee to the ZSF continue being the convener of the cluster but deputized by cde Ady from the ZLC. Ever since then they have been meeting fortnightly .The cluster also agreed to fully subscribe to the ZCTU calendar of events in particular the campaigns and stayaways for a living wage. Comrades in the cluster also attended the ZCTU Health and Safety day.
Informal Trade
They had their inaugural cluster meeting on the 19th of April with .cde Augustine from the cross borders association selected the convener. A well –attended teach-in was done in May. The key challenges facing this cluster and campaigns adopted included those of: the right to free trade in the SADCC region especially the removal of restrictive visa requirements in SA and the right to trade for vemusika and vendors in the urban areas. A new and recent challenge that the cluster needs to fight are the new laws imposing requirement that traders pay in forex for their imports.
Gender
Had a cluster meeting on the 12th of May. Cdes from WOZA, HIV and AIDS support groups, PADARE, ZCTU and ISO attended the meeting and backed cde Tabeth to be the convener and cde Tecla as deputy. The cluster adopted the following key campaigns: for food security and income generation through setting up consumer co-operatives under the Consumer Council and fighting for the right to trade of vendors ne vemusika; campaign to resist the privatization of water under ZINWA; a campaign for the right to education campaign by ensuring that no pupil is sent from school for not paying fees and levies; and to support the ZCTU WAC campaign for the right to dignity for girls and women by ensuring free or subsidized and affordable pads. The cluster resolved to run community forums in the townships to build up these campaigns.
Social Service Delivery
The cluster re-affirmed cde Mabhoo from CHRA as its NOC representative deputized by cde Taderera from CHIRRA. Members attended an extra-ordinary convention of residents associations in Masvingo over the ZINWA – water crisis and set up a National Task-Force chaired by cde Mabhoo to lead a national resistance campaign against ZINWA. CHIRRA held a powerful Chitungwiza report back meeting in June on the corruption in the MDC-Zanu PF run council in June in which resolutions for action were adopted. CHRA had earlier on a successful meeting in Harare on the need to fight water privatization and ZINWA. Already various groups in Budiriro have started local actions demanding that ZINWA dig boreholes and provide water bowers at selected points or face a rates boycotts. Similar demands have been placed on local business to help fund the construction of boreholes. The challenge is now to get the water campaign fully off the ground starting with community forums, rates boycotts and actions. As Hosia Chipanga says – “Ndakambokutaurirayi kuti mvura haitengeswe…”
Governance and Human Rights
The cluster is led by cde M. Chivasa from the NCA. Meetings have been sparse but a successful teach-in in conjunction with ZESN was done in late August attended by representatives from all clusters. ZimRights had a well attended public meeting on the 2008 elections in Harare. The key challenge of the cluster is now co-ordination and mobilization of resistance to the attempts by elites in the political parties to run fake and rigged elections under an imposed elitist new constitution on Zimbabwe without the involvement of the people. Civic society must re-mobilise for a Second Working People’s Convention to reject this and demand democratic elections in 2008 but only under a new, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution that would have been approved in a free and democratic referendum.
Generally as we write there are intense mobilization for the social forums in Chitungwiza - 22 September; Mutare – 29 September and Bulawayo - 6 October, which are all promising to be the most powerful and focused up to date and setting firm foundations for mobilizing resistance campaigns in the coming period. Thus the ZSF has mutated in all aspects from clusters, commissions, regions, the NOC and National Council gearing for playing a lead role in the unfolding struggles in Zimbabwe and SADCC. Now the way forward is to link all cluster activities in different townships and regions and have joint activities and campaigns. We must use the coming regional social forums and SASF in Mozambique on 17 – 19 October to sharpen our understanding of the crisis and forge effective new tactics and strategies so as to immediately roll out our campaigns of resistance. So its action full time after the forums!
Mike Sambo
Tuesday, September 25, 2007
No. 18 amendment ...the Great betrayal ...Working People`s convention now !
For the first or second time, at least known publicly, the two main political parties agreed on constitutional amendments supposedly meant to resolve the crisis in the country. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, No 18 was unanimously passed by, “amid thunderous applause from both Zanu –PF and MDC legislators.” The Bill harmonises presidential, parliamentary and local authority elections next year to be done in one day, increases the number of MPs and a few other cosmetic changes. 111 MPs voted for the Bill and none voted against. Speakers from ZANU PF and MDC spoke vociferously, applauding the coming together of the enemies for a decade. The ZANU PF chief Whip Joram Gumbo had this to say,
“We from this side of the House want to say the chickens have come home to roost. We realise now that we are Zimbabweans. We, as Zimbabweans, are able to come together and solve our issues."
The MDC (Tsvangirai) deputy president, Thoko Khupe stated:
"We supported the Bill because we do not want to see Zimbabwe burning.. It does not mean we have abandoned our demand for a new people-driven Constitution. It is our understanding that this will be delivered in due course."
Welshman Ncube, of the MDC (Mutambara) was even more forthright …
"Zimbabweans are faced with a national crisis. We may differ, but we agree there is a crisis. Some where along the way we lost each other. This is our attempt to find each other.”
Another opposition leader stated - “Today is the beginning of a historic moment in this house....We are in the process of making history and finding solutions to the crisis."
Quiet stunning from viciously warring parties in the last few years, including in the opposition. Tuesday the 18th of September was the outcome of the secret ongoing Mbeki talks between the two MDC's and ZANU PF led by Chinamasa and Goche for ZANU PF and Tendai Biti and Welshmen Ncube for the two MDC's.
“Treachery” – varombo kuvarombo vapfumi kuvapfumi
This deal is not for the poor and oppressed who have bravely withstood the hard times we have been going through and have been the necessary fuel to the existence of the MDC. Now the last decade of inspiring work by labour, civic society and social movements has been sacrificed by leaders only interested in getting into power and accumulating wealth. Indeed on that Tuesday 18 September 2007, while ‘they’ took Zimbabwe through this ‘historic moment’, labour and students activists were in police cells over the ZCTU stayaway. Truly the moment was historic. A turn in the direction of where the struggle for liberation is going. Yesterday showed us that "varombo kuvarombo, vafumi kuvafumi," must now be the slogan of the day and that the opposition leaders have accepted Mugabe’s invitation at the tractor feast that “Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tose … kana toita politics tinenge taguta.” The ideological mist that masked a false unity of purpose in the opposition forces has now been blown away.
Virtually all key civic society groups and the ZCTU have rightly denounced it. Arnold Tsunga, the chairman of Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights director said – “We think the MDC has sold out, and it will be very difficulty to work with them in future, taking into perspective the minor adjustment they and ZANU PF have agreed to.”
Lovemore Madhuku and the NCA were even more blistering in their attack:
We are disgusted by the MDC. I don’t see myself sitting under the same tent with both Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara discussing the future of this country. We are severing ties with the MDC over their going into bed with ZANU PF... The MDC’s decision to abandon the principle of a people driven Constitution and opting for a process driven by political parties in Parliament is an act of treachery.”
The NCA gave other reasons to reject the deal, including that: (1) it allows Mugabe to appoint his own successor through Parliament, instead of there being elections; (2) the size of parliament has been massively increased beyond the capacity of the country and economy, from 150 to 210 MPs and Senate from 66 to 93 – all these will be given brand new 4 x 4 double cabs! (3) it does not provide Zimbabweans in the Diaspora with the right to vote as in other SADC countries; (4) the appointment of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission remains under the control of Mugabe, who also retains his massive executive presidency powers and control of the state, courts, security arms and media; (5) the Bill of Rights remains the same not guaranteeing the rights of workers, the poor and oppressed or effective freedoms of movement, association and expression. There can be no free and fair elections under such conditions.
As some have already commented, this is a sick deal in which the MDC has got even less than Muzorewa got from Smith! Like Smith, Mugabe is today in a tight corner as the economy collapses, and instead of escalating resistance with other forces as the Patriotic Front did in 1978, the MDC is giving the Mugabe regime a life-saving boat!
Reasons behind Betrayal
However, progressive Social Movements, Labour and Civil Society, must celebrate this event as a refreshing moment which has vindicated a whole decade of ideological analysis of how to deal with the Mugabe dictatorship. Since at least 2001, we in the ISO have warned about how the opposition MDC has been hijacked by elitist capitalist forces and the need to construct an autonomous alternative anti-neoliberal united front to carry on the struggle, with the MDC, but independent of it if need be. We argued – “Thus any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail… its primary preoccupation is towards reaching a sell –out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… The possibility of an elite political settlement between the ruling party and opposition around a western supported full neo-liberal programme is thus real. This will be centred around the neo-liberal economic turn-around programme of ESAP 2 that has been spearheaded by Gono since 2003. The drive towards a settlement is driven by several factors including the ruling classes’ fear of an economic-social implosion because of the worsening economic crisis with unforeseeable political implications, and the fact that both parties are now dominated by elites who subscribe to neo-liberalism and are exhausted and fearful of the crisis of the last decade…. (ZANU PF) elites now want the peace to grow and launder the wealth acquired in the last decade but cannot do so in the context of a crisis ridden state under siege from the west. But to ensure that Zanu PF elites do not relapse as they did in 1997, the forces of global neo-liberalism demand a political guarantee in the form of co-option in government of their trusted agents in Zimbabwe, the MDC and (the exit of Mugabe). On the other hand, the opposition is dominated by the petite bourgeois elite, who long ago prostrated themselves before western neo-liberal political and economic forces and are now eager to get into state power, even as junior partners, and accumulate property as a neo-colonial dependent capitalist class”
It is such elitist settlement to pre-empt social-revolution, that the Mbeki Talks and Const Amendment 18 are designed to achieve supported by Mbeki and the west, with, as Mukundu of MISA aptly puts it - Tsvangirai likely to be “the unwilling sacrificial lamb, sacrificed at the altar of quiet diplomacy and the quest for power by those inside his ‘cabinet,” and as a price for Mugabe to agree to retire – a price not only the opportunist elites in MDC will be willing to pay but also the west, who have always seen Tsvangirai as naïve and dispensable. The West’s interests in Zimbabwe may be summarised simply - Re-launch of the Free Market dictatorship in Zimbabwe. The West would want to be vindicated that the SAP's under the IMF work but were mismanaged in Zimbabwe, besides banishing forever the “bad precedent” set by Mugabe on the land question. Mbeki wants to ensure that Tsvangirai does not set an example for COSATU/SACP to follow as Chiluba did in Zambia. So they will be prepared to ooze from all their financial tanks into the "New Zimbabwe" as soon as the new deal succeeds. SAP's have had a history of dismal failure and in the Latin Americas they have been shoved off by resurgent anti-neoliberal forces. It will only be wise to sanctify them with a Zimbabwe renewed and re-engaged. This explains the ICG, EU and McKinnons of the Commonwealth now wanting dialogue with Mugabe.
Working People Convention and Jambanja now!
But the elites in power and in opposition may not have it all their way. Now that the talks have been lubricated by the Number 18 Amendment, and vice versa, the driving seat seems to have been secured. But the major question remains the destination. Number 18 represents a political crisis and storm coming down. This is however still veiled by an unpredictable Mugabe trajectory, momentarily shrouded in speculation. It remains to be seen how Mugabe will manage his political campaign for the coming elections. The economic crisis that has threatened Mugabe's political power is still pending. Price hikes may be well on their way back to madness. So the economic crisis resolution is yet to be propounded. Neither is it all clear in MDC (Tsvangirai). There are stirrings of serious opposition, with reports that the youths, the women section, key provinces like Harare and Bulawayo, the Diaspora and other radicals are opposing the sell – out deal, with support coming mainly from the self-seeking MPs. Indeed over the week-end, Mugabe’s spokesperson, George Charamba, had revealed such stirrings and predicted that whilst the MDC (Mutambara) executive would easily support the deal, it was going to face stiff and insurmountable resistance in the Tsvangirai one, sending Biti into oblivion.
The above provides a historic moment for the progressives in labour, civic society, revolutionary socialists and MDC radicals to reclaim the initiative, smash this sell –out neoliberal elitist deal and re-launch the struggle to smash the dictatorship and the attempts at accelerating ESAP. These forces must urgently convene a 2nd Working People’s Convention which will discuss the treacherous Mbeki Talks and Amendment 18 and the way forward. Central will be that harmonised elections be done in 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this, then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience in which there is no co-operation whatsoever with the regime but a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. The ZCTU has already started the ball rolling, but to succeed we need united action of labour and civic society. Like Smith in 1978, the regime is now cornered, which is why its making concessions. History teaches us that success is possible. For instance the March 1961 Zhii – Zhanda strikes forced Nkomo to abandon the sell –out constitutional deal he had made with the British giving blacks 15 out of 65 parliamentary seats. In 1978, after ZANU refused to accept the Internal Settlement deal, Nkomo also withdrew from any further deals with the Smith- Muzorewa regime and opted for continuing with the struggle under the Patriotic Front. In 2005 Tsvangirai gave in to pressure not to go into the Senate elections. The same can happen today if we are resolute! Jambanja Ndizvo!
“We from this side of the House want to say the chickens have come home to roost. We realise now that we are Zimbabweans. We, as Zimbabweans, are able to come together and solve our issues."
The MDC (Tsvangirai) deputy president, Thoko Khupe stated:
"We supported the Bill because we do not want to see Zimbabwe burning.. It does not mean we have abandoned our demand for a new people-driven Constitution. It is our understanding that this will be delivered in due course."
Welshman Ncube, of the MDC (Mutambara) was even more forthright …
"Zimbabweans are faced with a national crisis. We may differ, but we agree there is a crisis. Some where along the way we lost each other. This is our attempt to find each other.”
Another opposition leader stated - “Today is the beginning of a historic moment in this house....We are in the process of making history and finding solutions to the crisis."
Quiet stunning from viciously warring parties in the last few years, including in the opposition. Tuesday the 18th of September was the outcome of the secret ongoing Mbeki talks between the two MDC's and ZANU PF led by Chinamasa and Goche for ZANU PF and Tendai Biti and Welshmen Ncube for the two MDC's.
“Treachery” – varombo kuvarombo vapfumi kuvapfumi
This deal is not for the poor and oppressed who have bravely withstood the hard times we have been going through and have been the necessary fuel to the existence of the MDC. Now the last decade of inspiring work by labour, civic society and social movements has been sacrificed by leaders only interested in getting into power and accumulating wealth. Indeed on that Tuesday 18 September 2007, while ‘they’ took Zimbabwe through this ‘historic moment’, labour and students activists were in police cells over the ZCTU stayaway. Truly the moment was historic. A turn in the direction of where the struggle for liberation is going. Yesterday showed us that "varombo kuvarombo, vafumi kuvafumi," must now be the slogan of the day and that the opposition leaders have accepted Mugabe’s invitation at the tractor feast that “Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tose … kana toita politics tinenge taguta.” The ideological mist that masked a false unity of purpose in the opposition forces has now been blown away.
Virtually all key civic society groups and the ZCTU have rightly denounced it. Arnold Tsunga, the chairman of Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights director said – “We think the MDC has sold out, and it will be very difficulty to work with them in future, taking into perspective the minor adjustment they and ZANU PF have agreed to.”
Lovemore Madhuku and the NCA were even more blistering in their attack:
We are disgusted by the MDC. I don’t see myself sitting under the same tent with both Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara discussing the future of this country. We are severing ties with the MDC over their going into bed with ZANU PF... The MDC’s decision to abandon the principle of a people driven Constitution and opting for a process driven by political parties in Parliament is an act of treachery.”
The NCA gave other reasons to reject the deal, including that: (1) it allows Mugabe to appoint his own successor through Parliament, instead of there being elections; (2) the size of parliament has been massively increased beyond the capacity of the country and economy, from 150 to 210 MPs and Senate from 66 to 93 – all these will be given brand new 4 x 4 double cabs! (3) it does not provide Zimbabweans in the Diaspora with the right to vote as in other SADC countries; (4) the appointment of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission remains under the control of Mugabe, who also retains his massive executive presidency powers and control of the state, courts, security arms and media; (5) the Bill of Rights remains the same not guaranteeing the rights of workers, the poor and oppressed or effective freedoms of movement, association and expression. There can be no free and fair elections under such conditions.
As some have already commented, this is a sick deal in which the MDC has got even less than Muzorewa got from Smith! Like Smith, Mugabe is today in a tight corner as the economy collapses, and instead of escalating resistance with other forces as the Patriotic Front did in 1978, the MDC is giving the Mugabe regime a life-saving boat!
Reasons behind Betrayal
However, progressive Social Movements, Labour and Civil Society, must celebrate this event as a refreshing moment which has vindicated a whole decade of ideological analysis of how to deal with the Mugabe dictatorship. Since at least 2001, we in the ISO have warned about how the opposition MDC has been hijacked by elitist capitalist forces and the need to construct an autonomous alternative anti-neoliberal united front to carry on the struggle, with the MDC, but independent of it if need be. We argued – “Thus any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail… its primary preoccupation is towards reaching a sell –out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… The possibility of an elite political settlement between the ruling party and opposition around a western supported full neo-liberal programme is thus real. This will be centred around the neo-liberal economic turn-around programme of ESAP 2 that has been spearheaded by Gono since 2003. The drive towards a settlement is driven by several factors including the ruling classes’ fear of an economic-social implosion because of the worsening economic crisis with unforeseeable political implications, and the fact that both parties are now dominated by elites who subscribe to neo-liberalism and are exhausted and fearful of the crisis of the last decade…. (ZANU PF) elites now want the peace to grow and launder the wealth acquired in the last decade but cannot do so in the context of a crisis ridden state under siege from the west. But to ensure that Zanu PF elites do not relapse as they did in 1997, the forces of global neo-liberalism demand a political guarantee in the form of co-option in government of their trusted agents in Zimbabwe, the MDC and (the exit of Mugabe). On the other hand, the opposition is dominated by the petite bourgeois elite, who long ago prostrated themselves before western neo-liberal political and economic forces and are now eager to get into state power, even as junior partners, and accumulate property as a neo-colonial dependent capitalist class”
It is such elitist settlement to pre-empt social-revolution, that the Mbeki Talks and Const Amendment 18 are designed to achieve supported by Mbeki and the west, with, as Mukundu of MISA aptly puts it - Tsvangirai likely to be “the unwilling sacrificial lamb, sacrificed at the altar of quiet diplomacy and the quest for power by those inside his ‘cabinet,” and as a price for Mugabe to agree to retire – a price not only the opportunist elites in MDC will be willing to pay but also the west, who have always seen Tsvangirai as naïve and dispensable. The West’s interests in Zimbabwe may be summarised simply - Re-launch of the Free Market dictatorship in Zimbabwe. The West would want to be vindicated that the SAP's under the IMF work but were mismanaged in Zimbabwe, besides banishing forever the “bad precedent” set by Mugabe on the land question. Mbeki wants to ensure that Tsvangirai does not set an example for COSATU/SACP to follow as Chiluba did in Zambia. So they will be prepared to ooze from all their financial tanks into the "New Zimbabwe" as soon as the new deal succeeds. SAP's have had a history of dismal failure and in the Latin Americas they have been shoved off by resurgent anti-neoliberal forces. It will only be wise to sanctify them with a Zimbabwe renewed and re-engaged. This explains the ICG, EU and McKinnons of the Commonwealth now wanting dialogue with Mugabe.
Working People Convention and Jambanja now!
But the elites in power and in opposition may not have it all their way. Now that the talks have been lubricated by the Number 18 Amendment, and vice versa, the driving seat seems to have been secured. But the major question remains the destination. Number 18 represents a political crisis and storm coming down. This is however still veiled by an unpredictable Mugabe trajectory, momentarily shrouded in speculation. It remains to be seen how Mugabe will manage his political campaign for the coming elections. The economic crisis that has threatened Mugabe's political power is still pending. Price hikes may be well on their way back to madness. So the economic crisis resolution is yet to be propounded. Neither is it all clear in MDC (Tsvangirai). There are stirrings of serious opposition, with reports that the youths, the women section, key provinces like Harare and Bulawayo, the Diaspora and other radicals are opposing the sell – out deal, with support coming mainly from the self-seeking MPs. Indeed over the week-end, Mugabe’s spokesperson, George Charamba, had revealed such stirrings and predicted that whilst the MDC (Mutambara) executive would easily support the deal, it was going to face stiff and insurmountable resistance in the Tsvangirai one, sending Biti into oblivion.
The above provides a historic moment for the progressives in labour, civic society, revolutionary socialists and MDC radicals to reclaim the initiative, smash this sell –out neoliberal elitist deal and re-launch the struggle to smash the dictatorship and the attempts at accelerating ESAP. These forces must urgently convene a 2nd Working People’s Convention which will discuss the treacherous Mbeki Talks and Amendment 18 and the way forward. Central will be that harmonised elections be done in 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this, then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience in which there is no co-operation whatsoever with the regime but a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. The ZCTU has already started the ball rolling, but to succeed we need united action of labour and civic society. Like Smith in 1978, the regime is now cornered, which is why its making concessions. History teaches us that success is possible. For instance the March 1961 Zhii – Zhanda strikes forced Nkomo to abandon the sell –out constitutional deal he had made with the British giving blacks 15 out of 65 parliamentary seats. In 1978, after ZANU refused to accept the Internal Settlement deal, Nkomo also withdrew from any further deals with the Smith- Muzorewa regime and opted for continuing with the struggle under the Patriotic Front. In 2005 Tsvangirai gave in to pressure not to go into the Senate elections. The same can happen today if we are resolute! Jambanja Ndizvo!
Thursday, August 16, 2007
Monday, August 06, 2007
Graphical workers union congress
Its permanent struggle for the Printing workers
June 16 saw an end to a protracted fight in the Zimbabwe Graphical Workers Union between the rank and file workers and right wing bureaucrats. Workers finally convened an extra-ordinary congress amidst several attempts to jeopardize them by the bureaucrats who went as far as calling the state to disrupt the congress .The congress was magnificent and one of its kind in the history of the union, it was basically run on a shoe string budget but workers sacrificed all the way from all regions to save their union from collapse.
The congress marked the beginning of a new era, an era of building a real strong union deeply rooted in workers with progressive socialists now in control of the union unlike the previous leadership which had long broken ties with its members. But its hard won freedom for workers for the history of the union fights tells us more and bears a lot to be learnt. Critically that, in the absence of strong organized rank and file organization, chances of trade union bureaucrats ultimately selling is very high .The last five years of the Zimbabwe Graphical workers union have it all .
In 2002 when with guidance from ISO comrades; workers formed a rank and file group called Reflections after the union had failed workers for over a decade. The union was then led by a bunch of sellouts who neither bothered accountability nor a congress to choose new leaders .The rank and file group historically managed to push for a congress in 2002 which swept away the entire previous leadership.
The 2002 congress brought new life in the printing industry, within a year workers in the printing industry were amongst the top paid industrial workers .The union organized two industry wide strikes which completely halted the whole industry forcing bosses to make major concessions to the advantage of workers. Situation suddenly changed altogether after their second successful strike when bosses victimized and fired most of the militant workers who had together with the union officials helped organize the strike.
Unfortunately most of the fired workers constituted a section of the union rank and file, which provided direct leadership in the factories and again played a watchdog role in the union.
Their departure from active participation in the union in a way gave birth to the rise of bureaucrats who found no reason at all for accountability to workers. They established ties with bosses negotiating starvation wages reversing worker’s hard won gains.
It is against the deteriorating conditions again in the industry that concerned workers led by remnants of the previous rank and file of 2002 organized for an extra-ordinary congress on the 16th June, which saw the last kicks to the bureaucrats and sellouts.
It was possible for the sellouts to sell out because workers behind them were no all that organized to demand accountability from their leaders, a lesson which the current leadership should learn and always maintain that rank and file base. Strengthening the rank and file workers backed by socialists now in the leadership will provide the necessary bases for the formation of a RED union which will together with three orfour others in the near future will help strengthen the working class of the country .
Aluta Continua !! Shinga Mushandi , Bury Capitalism !!!
By M Sambo
June 16 saw an end to a protracted fight in the Zimbabwe Graphical Workers Union between the rank and file workers and right wing bureaucrats. Workers finally convened an extra-ordinary congress amidst several attempts to jeopardize them by the bureaucrats who went as far as calling the state to disrupt the congress .The congress was magnificent and one of its kind in the history of the union, it was basically run on a shoe string budget but workers sacrificed all the way from all regions to save their union from collapse.
The congress marked the beginning of a new era, an era of building a real strong union deeply rooted in workers with progressive socialists now in control of the union unlike the previous leadership which had long broken ties with its members. But its hard won freedom for workers for the history of the union fights tells us more and bears a lot to be learnt. Critically that, in the absence of strong organized rank and file organization, chances of trade union bureaucrats ultimately selling is very high .The last five years of the Zimbabwe Graphical workers union have it all .
In 2002 when with guidance from ISO comrades; workers formed a rank and file group called Reflections after the union had failed workers for over a decade. The union was then led by a bunch of sellouts who neither bothered accountability nor a congress to choose new leaders .The rank and file group historically managed to push for a congress in 2002 which swept away the entire previous leadership.
The 2002 congress brought new life in the printing industry, within a year workers in the printing industry were amongst the top paid industrial workers .The union organized two industry wide strikes which completely halted the whole industry forcing bosses to make major concessions to the advantage of workers. Situation suddenly changed altogether after their second successful strike when bosses victimized and fired most of the militant workers who had together with the union officials helped organize the strike.
Unfortunately most of the fired workers constituted a section of the union rank and file, which provided direct leadership in the factories and again played a watchdog role in the union.
Their departure from active participation in the union in a way gave birth to the rise of bureaucrats who found no reason at all for accountability to workers. They established ties with bosses negotiating starvation wages reversing worker’s hard won gains.
It is against the deteriorating conditions again in the industry that concerned workers led by remnants of the previous rank and file of 2002 organized for an extra-ordinary congress on the 16th June, which saw the last kicks to the bureaucrats and sellouts.
It was possible for the sellouts to sell out because workers behind them were no all that organized to demand accountability from their leaders, a lesson which the current leadership should learn and always maintain that rank and file base. Strengthening the rank and file workers backed by socialists now in the leadership will provide the necessary bases for the formation of a RED union which will together with three orfour others in the near future will help strengthen the working class of the country .
Aluta Continua !! Shinga Mushandi , Bury Capitalism !!!
By M Sambo
Create an alternative voice to ZANU PF and MDC
Build a United Front
Create an alternative voice to ZANU PF and MDC
The now obvious right wing shift of the MDC has seen a growing number of workers, students and youths and the radical middle classes becoming disgruntled and questioning the direction of the party .The question which confronts these people , is what is the way forward ?Zanu PF , despite its populist posturing , especially on the land issue , remains firmly embedded as the bosses party , a process strengthened by the death of Border Gezi and Hunzvi .The black bosses in the party now controls all key provinces in ZANU PF and its other key organs like the politburo and Parliament .
But on the other hand the deepening crisis of capitalism locally and internationally, is again making a real possibility of the return of the radical mass based struggles of 1997, as the current nationwide students demonstrations against privatizations how .At an international level , there is developing an anti-capitalist movement shown by major demonstrations in North America , Latin America and Europe in the past two years .
As way forward we argue for the re-groupment of the left and the working class movement in Zimbabwe, and regionally on the bases of a principle of united front, as alternative to the two bosses parties ZANU PF and MDC.
United front
“March separately but strike together”, is the slogan of the united front – a theory developed by the Russian Bolshevik revolutionary, Leon Trotsky on how to deal with situations that confront us in Zimbabwe today. This means revolutionary organizations; radical reformist organizations, trade unions, students and others can enter into temporary alliances around specific issues. When Trotsky at the end of the 1920s, he was concerned about the emergence of the fascism in Europe and he called upon revolutionary socialists to enter into united front alliances with centrist or reformist parties and organizations to smash the then emerging threat of fascism in Italy and Germany .This was in opposition to the Stalinists who opposed such alliances with slogans like “after Hitler ,Our turn” on the eve of Hitler’s victory! Trotsky argued for the unity of democratic forces against rising Fascism , but nonetheless argued even in such unity the socialists must maintain their independence and identity and not be swallowed ,ie March separately but strike together !”.
After the NAZI victory , the Stalinists made a dramatic u-turn going into alliances with such reformist organizations but entirely subordinating themselves to such popular fronts , only to be betrayed by their new allies , sometimes with massive tragic results like in Spain in 1936 , France in 1934 and subsequently Indonesia in 1965 and Chile in 1973.
United front against ZANU PF
The same issues confront us today. ZANU PF and Mugabe today constitutes the biggest threat to the working class as shown by their draconian Labour bill and other legislation and trampling of basic bourgeois rights ahead of 2002 elections. This therefore calls for unity in a united front of all radical forces concerned about democracy in the country to ensure free and fair elections next year and the respect of its results .This means a unity of all radical sections of Labour, constitutional movement , student movement , civic society and those disgruntled with the right wing shift of the MDC and ZANU PF
However such united front should not bind or subordinate itself to the MDC , but each and every individual organization in the front should be allowed to maintain its political and organizational independence , including the right to attack and expose the right wing nature of the MDC even if it is the sole electoral alternative to ZANU PF in the coming elections .
In particular for revolutionary organizations like ISO it is imperative to maintain absolute political independence throughout, if they are not to abandon the very politics that could win real gains for the working class, as happened to the SACP in the ANC popular front.
Socialists must know that their primary role in such alliances is to advance workers ideas within it and seek to win a broader audience for the revolutionary ideas within it .The role of the revolutionary party is to lead and influence workers in the united front so that in the process of the united struggle , workers can see for themselves that the revolutionary politics offer a way forward as opposed to the dead end reformist politics of parliament and courts .
But revolutionaries must always bear in mind that a policy aimed to secure the united front does not of course contain automatic guarantees that unity in action will be attained in all instances .On the contrary , in many cases and perhaps even the majority of cases , organization objectives will only be half – attained if at all .
Freedom of expression uncompromisable
In the vent that reformists in the united front begin putting brakes on the struggle to the obvious detriment of the movement and counter to the situation on the ground and the mood of the masses , we as an independent organization always reserve the right to lead the struggle to the end , and this without our temporary semi-allies .
This precisely describes the position of ISO in the MDC , which give imperatives of democracy movements in the country and the mood of the working class , we entered a united front bases , and continue to offer support on that bases , contrary on the ultra – leftist positions of many of our critics in the regional and international socialist movement who had wanted out .But through out we have fought for and returned complete freedom of expression in order to expose the betrayal , indecisions and halfway spirit of the reformist leadership of the MDC .For that reason any sort of organizational agreement which restricts our freedom our criticism and agitation is completely unacceptable to us , hence we have been prepared to make a complete break with the MDC should such conditions become imposed on us .We stand on that position today which has won us grow audience amongst sections of the radical workers .As Lenin urged in the Left – wing communism – an infantile disorder” it is only through direct experience gained in the course of actual struggle that the broad masses learn that we as socialists fight better than the cowardly reformists , that we are more audacious and resolute that the others .The united front is the form through which we participate in such struggles with the masses and those whom we might agree with on 60% of the objective but disagree on the rest and the form in which we will be able to expose the bankruptcy of the middle class reformists groups and build our own forces .In this way , we shall bring closer the our of the united revolutionary front under undisputed socialist leadership .
By T Sando
Create an alternative voice to ZANU PF and MDC
The now obvious right wing shift of the MDC has seen a growing number of workers, students and youths and the radical middle classes becoming disgruntled and questioning the direction of the party .The question which confronts these people , is what is the way forward ?Zanu PF , despite its populist posturing , especially on the land issue , remains firmly embedded as the bosses party , a process strengthened by the death of Border Gezi and Hunzvi .The black bosses in the party now controls all key provinces in ZANU PF and its other key organs like the politburo and Parliament .
But on the other hand the deepening crisis of capitalism locally and internationally, is again making a real possibility of the return of the radical mass based struggles of 1997, as the current nationwide students demonstrations against privatizations how .At an international level , there is developing an anti-capitalist movement shown by major demonstrations in North America , Latin America and Europe in the past two years .
As way forward we argue for the re-groupment of the left and the working class movement in Zimbabwe, and regionally on the bases of a principle of united front, as alternative to the two bosses parties ZANU PF and MDC.
United front
“March separately but strike together”, is the slogan of the united front – a theory developed by the Russian Bolshevik revolutionary, Leon Trotsky on how to deal with situations that confront us in Zimbabwe today. This means revolutionary organizations; radical reformist organizations, trade unions, students and others can enter into temporary alliances around specific issues. When Trotsky at the end of the 1920s, he was concerned about the emergence of the fascism in Europe and he called upon revolutionary socialists to enter into united front alliances with centrist or reformist parties and organizations to smash the then emerging threat of fascism in Italy and Germany .This was in opposition to the Stalinists who opposed such alliances with slogans like “after Hitler ,Our turn” on the eve of Hitler’s victory! Trotsky argued for the unity of democratic forces against rising Fascism , but nonetheless argued even in such unity the socialists must maintain their independence and identity and not be swallowed ,ie March separately but strike together !”.
After the NAZI victory , the Stalinists made a dramatic u-turn going into alliances with such reformist organizations but entirely subordinating themselves to such popular fronts , only to be betrayed by their new allies , sometimes with massive tragic results like in Spain in 1936 , France in 1934 and subsequently Indonesia in 1965 and Chile in 1973.
United front against ZANU PF
The same issues confront us today. ZANU PF and Mugabe today constitutes the biggest threat to the working class as shown by their draconian Labour bill and other legislation and trampling of basic bourgeois rights ahead of 2002 elections. This therefore calls for unity in a united front of all radical forces concerned about democracy in the country to ensure free and fair elections next year and the respect of its results .This means a unity of all radical sections of Labour, constitutional movement , student movement , civic society and those disgruntled with the right wing shift of the MDC and ZANU PF
However such united front should not bind or subordinate itself to the MDC , but each and every individual organization in the front should be allowed to maintain its political and organizational independence , including the right to attack and expose the right wing nature of the MDC even if it is the sole electoral alternative to ZANU PF in the coming elections .
In particular for revolutionary organizations like ISO it is imperative to maintain absolute political independence throughout, if they are not to abandon the very politics that could win real gains for the working class, as happened to the SACP in the ANC popular front.
Socialists must know that their primary role in such alliances is to advance workers ideas within it and seek to win a broader audience for the revolutionary ideas within it .The role of the revolutionary party is to lead and influence workers in the united front so that in the process of the united struggle , workers can see for themselves that the revolutionary politics offer a way forward as opposed to the dead end reformist politics of parliament and courts .
But revolutionaries must always bear in mind that a policy aimed to secure the united front does not of course contain automatic guarantees that unity in action will be attained in all instances .On the contrary , in many cases and perhaps even the majority of cases , organization objectives will only be half – attained if at all .
Freedom of expression uncompromisable
In the vent that reformists in the united front begin putting brakes on the struggle to the obvious detriment of the movement and counter to the situation on the ground and the mood of the masses , we as an independent organization always reserve the right to lead the struggle to the end , and this without our temporary semi-allies .
This precisely describes the position of ISO in the MDC , which give imperatives of democracy movements in the country and the mood of the working class , we entered a united front bases , and continue to offer support on that bases , contrary on the ultra – leftist positions of many of our critics in the regional and international socialist movement who had wanted out .But through out we have fought for and returned complete freedom of expression in order to expose the betrayal , indecisions and halfway spirit of the reformist leadership of the MDC .For that reason any sort of organizational agreement which restricts our freedom our criticism and agitation is completely unacceptable to us , hence we have been prepared to make a complete break with the MDC should such conditions become imposed on us .We stand on that position today which has won us grow audience amongst sections of the radical workers .As Lenin urged in the Left – wing communism – an infantile disorder” it is only through direct experience gained in the course of actual struggle that the broad masses learn that we as socialists fight better than the cowardly reformists , that we are more audacious and resolute that the others .The united front is the form through which we participate in such struggles with the masses and those whom we might agree with on 60% of the objective but disagree on the rest and the form in which we will be able to expose the bankruptcy of the middle class reformists groups and build our own forces .In this way , we shall bring closer the our of the united revolutionary front under undisputed socialist leadership .
By T Sando
Social contract---ZCTU Pull out and call for general strike
Social Contract: ZCTU Pull Out and call for General Strike Now!
On 1 June 2007, the leaders of the unions led by the ZCTU signed the Incomes and Pricing Stabilisation Protocol with government and business. Also signing were APEX for public servants and the Zanu (PF) yellow dog “union federation”, the ZFTU.
The ZCTU says it only signed this protocol and not the other two or a social contract, but the protocol is the most important of the three, the very heart of the social contract that RBZ Governor has been pushing since March. The idea was to reduce inflation to 25% by year end from the then 3 700%; to stop the massive increases of prices of basic goods with businesses promising to increase prices of goods only within agreed parameters; stabilize the economy and give workers a living wage consistent with the Poverty Datum Line. National Employment Councils were supposed to do a one off collective bargaining bench-marked on the April PDL of $1.7 million per month and thereafter monthly collective bargaining based on the inflation rate, whilst government undertook not to tax employees earning below the PDL. The labour leaders in turn promised to ensure “industrial peace” for the six months duration of the protocol, i.e. stop workers from going on strike including the stay away in July earlier on resolved by the ZCTU General Council and affirmed only a week before and at May Day by militant ZCTU president, L. Matombo. They also surrendered their historic role as the leaders of the poor and downtrodden by signing an agreement that said nothing about them. Giving up their most powerful weapon even at a time their South African and Nigerian counterparts were executing huge strikes in defence of the poor.
But the Zanu PF regime and capitalists deceived the labour leaders. Less than three weeks since the signing of the social contract, there has been a huge wave of price increases of everything from transport to food to medicines that we have not seen in the last decade. Indeed the state is now frantically calling for an emergency TNF meeting to address the issues. In any case bosses had not really given much away, with the June PDL already over $3.5 million whilst there was no provision compelling the state to give immediate statutory status to the Protocol, leaving it as a legally non-binging set of promises by government and employers.
Considering the history of other countries in particular Italy, France, Spain, Indonesia and South Africa, the social contract theory - strategy has always been used by governments and bosses when their system of capitalism is in deep crisis and in danger of being overthrown by revolution from the poor to buy time, co-opt labour and the radical movements and later on launch vicious attacks against the working people when things stabilize. In Zimbabwe, the Mugabe regime, despite the rhetoric to the contrary, is now in a corner, battered and bruised by the general crisis of Gono’s neoliberal capitalism, sanctions and near collapse of the agriculture sector. There is real danger of a total economic collapse by December as predicted by the Group of 34 international NGOs in Zimbabwe, if not the 1 million % inflation rate predicted by the chief imperialist representative in Zimbabwe, US ambassador Dell. Such a situation creates ripe conditions for massive riots, strikes and revolts from below, which as we saw in apartheid South Africa, Argentina, Madagascar, etc can topple even the most intransigent and brutal of regimes. Already there are growing signs of uneasiness amongst the lower ranks of the army and police. The regime knows this, which is why it has imposed a virtual state of emergence in the main cities and towns.
But that will not be enough. To stop possible mass revolts, the regime will have to neutralize and co-opt its most potentially powerful enemy, organized labour under the leadership of ZCTU from leading general strikes in the next few months, that are likely to be joined by other sections of the urban and rural poor. In the meanwhile the political elites in government and opposition will try and sort out their current differences and problems, including the tricky issue of Mugabe’s succession and unity of MDC, to eventually create an anti-working people and western supported government of national unity accelerating the neoliberal programme already initiated by Gono. This is the real objective of this dangerous social contract, the Mbeki talks between Zanu (PF) and MDC leaders and the activities of the imperialist-funded and controlled Save Zimbabwe Campaign. This is what Mugabe meant when recently offering the opposition leaders bribes of farms and tractors -“Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tese, hapana asingararame nekudya. Kana toita politics dzekutunguna tinenge taguta.” (When it comes to eating the national cake, we eat together, and only engage in party politicking and insult one another after we are full).
Way Forward and our Demands
Well now that the capitalists and government have reengaged on their promises, labour must immediately pull out of the social contract and mobilize for action this July, taking a leaf from the unions in South Africa and Nigeria. The general strike must be accompanied by general demonstrations by all sections of the working people and poor.
But to succeed we need a campaign that unites the factory with the township, the growth point and school and college campuses; that unites the workers with the unemployed, housewives, youths, students, vendors, informal traders and combi drivers, peasants, the human rights activists, political party militants and revolutionary socialists and their different organizations and movements, such as those assembled under the Zimbabwe Social Forum. Thus this action cannot be unilaterally run and controlled by the ZCTU leaders alone as in previous stayaways if it is to succeed, but must be a genuine democratic united front with all these movements, including in the formulation of strategies, tactics and demands, even if organized labour remains the leading player.
We must have full scale mobilization through leafleting, posters, labour forums in industry as well as labour – residents forums in the townships and setting up joint labour-activists teams operating in the industries, colleges, and townships. Our demands must be comprehensive and holistic – a Working People’s Charter demanding:
· An immediate statutory national minimum living wage adjustable every fortnight consistent with the rate of inflation and pegged to the bread basket or USA dollar and which is tax free, with employment councils only negotiating top ups;
· Mandatory jail sentences for managers, directors and owners of businesses that unilaterally increase prices of basic goods and services or offload goods on the black market or violate the minimum wages;
· Immediate take-over of businesses and enterprises by workers of enterprises that violate minimum wage provisions or violate price controls or off-load goods on the black market;
· a special levy into a worker controlled fund, on all Stock Exchange listed companies, multinationals, pharmacies and large businesses like retailers like mines, OK and TM to fund our collapsing health, education, transport and peasant agriculture sectors as well as emergency food aid for those in need and the needs of the disabled and those infected and affected AIDS/HIV.
· Immediate stopping of harassment of vendors and informal trade and the right to trade in town centers and other desirable areas;
· The immediate lifting of the de facto state of emergency that the regime has imposed in our cities and towns,; repeal of POSSA and AIPPA;
· A new people-driven democratic and anti-ESAP constitution; free and fair elections under such constitution within six months and trial of those guilty of crimes against humanity and compensation for the victims.
The situation and timing has never been more ripe. The ZCTU leaders and militants today have a historic duty on their shoulders to provide leadership and call for and lead mass action without further delay – Failure to do so, history will judge them very harshly.
Shinga Mushandi Shinga! Penga mushandi ! Another Zimbabwe is Possible! Now is our time!
On 1 June 2007, the leaders of the unions led by the ZCTU signed the Incomes and Pricing Stabilisation Protocol with government and business. Also signing were APEX for public servants and the Zanu (PF) yellow dog “union federation”, the ZFTU.
The ZCTU says it only signed this protocol and not the other two or a social contract, but the protocol is the most important of the three, the very heart of the social contract that RBZ Governor has been pushing since March. The idea was to reduce inflation to 25% by year end from the then 3 700%; to stop the massive increases of prices of basic goods with businesses promising to increase prices of goods only within agreed parameters; stabilize the economy and give workers a living wage consistent with the Poverty Datum Line. National Employment Councils were supposed to do a one off collective bargaining bench-marked on the April PDL of $1.7 million per month and thereafter monthly collective bargaining based on the inflation rate, whilst government undertook not to tax employees earning below the PDL. The labour leaders in turn promised to ensure “industrial peace” for the six months duration of the protocol, i.e. stop workers from going on strike including the stay away in July earlier on resolved by the ZCTU General Council and affirmed only a week before and at May Day by militant ZCTU president, L. Matombo. They also surrendered their historic role as the leaders of the poor and downtrodden by signing an agreement that said nothing about them. Giving up their most powerful weapon even at a time their South African and Nigerian counterparts were executing huge strikes in defence of the poor.
But the Zanu PF regime and capitalists deceived the labour leaders. Less than three weeks since the signing of the social contract, there has been a huge wave of price increases of everything from transport to food to medicines that we have not seen in the last decade. Indeed the state is now frantically calling for an emergency TNF meeting to address the issues. In any case bosses had not really given much away, with the June PDL already over $3.5 million whilst there was no provision compelling the state to give immediate statutory status to the Protocol, leaving it as a legally non-binging set of promises by government and employers.
Considering the history of other countries in particular Italy, France, Spain, Indonesia and South Africa, the social contract theory - strategy has always been used by governments and bosses when their system of capitalism is in deep crisis and in danger of being overthrown by revolution from the poor to buy time, co-opt labour and the radical movements and later on launch vicious attacks against the working people when things stabilize. In Zimbabwe, the Mugabe regime, despite the rhetoric to the contrary, is now in a corner, battered and bruised by the general crisis of Gono’s neoliberal capitalism, sanctions and near collapse of the agriculture sector. There is real danger of a total economic collapse by December as predicted by the Group of 34 international NGOs in Zimbabwe, if not the 1 million % inflation rate predicted by the chief imperialist representative in Zimbabwe, US ambassador Dell. Such a situation creates ripe conditions for massive riots, strikes and revolts from below, which as we saw in apartheid South Africa, Argentina, Madagascar, etc can topple even the most intransigent and brutal of regimes. Already there are growing signs of uneasiness amongst the lower ranks of the army and police. The regime knows this, which is why it has imposed a virtual state of emergence in the main cities and towns.
But that will not be enough. To stop possible mass revolts, the regime will have to neutralize and co-opt its most potentially powerful enemy, organized labour under the leadership of ZCTU from leading general strikes in the next few months, that are likely to be joined by other sections of the urban and rural poor. In the meanwhile the political elites in government and opposition will try and sort out their current differences and problems, including the tricky issue of Mugabe’s succession and unity of MDC, to eventually create an anti-working people and western supported government of national unity accelerating the neoliberal programme already initiated by Gono. This is the real objective of this dangerous social contract, the Mbeki talks between Zanu (PF) and MDC leaders and the activities of the imperialist-funded and controlled Save Zimbabwe Campaign. This is what Mugabe meant when recently offering the opposition leaders bribes of farms and tractors -“Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tese, hapana asingararame nekudya. Kana toita politics dzekutunguna tinenge taguta.” (When it comes to eating the national cake, we eat together, and only engage in party politicking and insult one another after we are full).
Way Forward and our Demands
Well now that the capitalists and government have reengaged on their promises, labour must immediately pull out of the social contract and mobilize for action this July, taking a leaf from the unions in South Africa and Nigeria. The general strike must be accompanied by general demonstrations by all sections of the working people and poor.
But to succeed we need a campaign that unites the factory with the township, the growth point and school and college campuses; that unites the workers with the unemployed, housewives, youths, students, vendors, informal traders and combi drivers, peasants, the human rights activists, political party militants and revolutionary socialists and their different organizations and movements, such as those assembled under the Zimbabwe Social Forum. Thus this action cannot be unilaterally run and controlled by the ZCTU leaders alone as in previous stayaways if it is to succeed, but must be a genuine democratic united front with all these movements, including in the formulation of strategies, tactics and demands, even if organized labour remains the leading player.
We must have full scale mobilization through leafleting, posters, labour forums in industry as well as labour – residents forums in the townships and setting up joint labour-activists teams operating in the industries, colleges, and townships. Our demands must be comprehensive and holistic – a Working People’s Charter demanding:
· An immediate statutory national minimum living wage adjustable every fortnight consistent with the rate of inflation and pegged to the bread basket or USA dollar and which is tax free, with employment councils only negotiating top ups;
· Mandatory jail sentences for managers, directors and owners of businesses that unilaterally increase prices of basic goods and services or offload goods on the black market or violate the minimum wages;
· Immediate take-over of businesses and enterprises by workers of enterprises that violate minimum wage provisions or violate price controls or off-load goods on the black market;
· a special levy into a worker controlled fund, on all Stock Exchange listed companies, multinationals, pharmacies and large businesses like retailers like mines, OK and TM to fund our collapsing health, education, transport and peasant agriculture sectors as well as emergency food aid for those in need and the needs of the disabled and those infected and affected AIDS/HIV.
· Immediate stopping of harassment of vendors and informal trade and the right to trade in town centers and other desirable areas;
· The immediate lifting of the de facto state of emergency that the regime has imposed in our cities and towns,; repeal of POSSA and AIPPA;
· A new people-driven democratic and anti-ESAP constitution; free and fair elections under such constitution within six months and trial of those guilty of crimes against humanity and compensation for the victims.
The situation and timing has never been more ripe. The ZCTU leaders and militants today have a historic duty on their shoulders to provide leadership and call for and lead mass action without further delay – Failure to do so, history will judge them very harshly.
Shinga Mushandi Shinga! Penga mushandi ! Another Zimbabwe is Possible! Now is our time!
As economy collapses
As economy collapses …
Imperialists predict regime collapse & Mugabe threatens nationalization
We say … Mass Action now to kick out Regime & Imperialism!!!
Zimbabwe is at cross-roads as the economy rapidly heads for implosion. In June 2007 a Group of 34 International NGOs in Zimbabwe warned of economic collapse within six months. Outgoing US ambassador, “regime change” specialist, C. Dell, went further -
“We are closer to seeing change in Zimbabwe today generated from within than at any time since Independence... The acceleration of the economic collapse signifies an end-game for President Mugabe. The country’s inflation has doubled every month. In February independent analysts revealed that inflation was at 3 000%, while in March it doubled to 6000%. In April it was at 12 000% and currently it’s at 20 000%. By year-end the inflation rate will be at 1.5million percent…world-wide no government has survived presiding over inflation that had hit over seven digit levels.”
This is not mere talk by “imperialists.” In calling for an urgent Social Contract in February 2007, Reserve Bank Governor, G. Gono said the country was facing an unprecedented abyss. In the last two weeks of massive price increases of basic goods, such predicted economic now seems imminent, prompting the government to order the slashing by 50% of prices of all goods and services and impose a prize freeze. At the burial of Brig. General Gunda at the National Heroes Acre on the 27th June, conveniently chosen as it was the day of departure from office of Tony Blair, Mugabe threatened to nationalize all business that flout the price controls and jail the owners:
“Zvatirikuuya nazvo iyezvino tavakuomeserana. Kana to tinha, touya, whether you are bakers, producers, industry or commerce, take note, tinokuteverai. Ende hausi mutambo uchaitwa zvakanaka, it will be a rough game. Tavakusungana, you will be jailed. We will not be defeated by these tactics of regime change of the British …we will seize the mines and companies. We will nationalize them if they continue with these dirty games… we will take all the companies. Tinogona kuritambawo game iroro, ende tichimwisa futi, ne rough iyoyo.”
The question is whether this is just another toothless bark by the Mugabe regime or it means business this time or indeed the end-game has finally arrived for Mugabe?
Mugabe’s two choices
In the February 2003 issue of Socialist Worker we predicted that the main factor that would determine the future of Zimbabwe was the worsening economic crisis and how the main political actors would respond to this. We stated then that whilst Mugabe “was an intelligent and ruthless operative, capable of sophisticated and tactical shifts and the wrong-footing of his opponents, he and Zanu – PF are not immune from the tensions arising from the economic crisis, to which they have no solution.” We stated that the Mugabe regime had two choices: enter into a compromise deal involving a neo-liberal government of national unity of elites in Zanu PF and MDC supported by the West with Mugabe himself retiring or refuse to compromise politically, even as it proceeded with Gono’s neo-liberal programme and increased repression. We warned – that “the deepening of the neo-liberal agenda by a Mugabe government especially without the co-option of the MDC as a junior partner and acquiescence of the west would accelerate the economic crisis to the proportions seen in Argentina at the end of 2001 as local and international capital lay siege on the beleaguered regime…” As it were Mugabe chose the second option, especially with his decision to run again in 2008. And with it the climaxing economic crisis we see today. But does that mean he is finished?
Mugabe not finished
The imperialists have probably spoken too prematurely. Although in a corner the regime can still wiggle out by whipping business into line of complying with its social contract and not raise prices dramatically until elections next year. Mugabe is unlikely to want to nationalize as such given that his government is after all predominantly made up of bosses. But if business resists, as it has immediately done now by taking goods off the shelves, more radical measures are likely to follow. These may include a combination of nationalization, seizing some foreign businesses to give to his cronies under the guise of indigenisation or letting out Zanu PF hordes into selected shops. But Mugabe counts on the fact that business is likely to play ball being afraid of a repeat of the farm invasions and knowledge that he has the necessary two thirds parliament majority to amend the constitution. Given that the capitalists have been profiteering most will be prepared to weather a price control regime until election time rather than lose everything, giving the regime a powerful campaign tool. If Mugabe does not do the above indeed he is finished.
Not that Mugabe is totally averse to some kind of elitist compromise deal, for his retention of the neo-liberal Gono and his doling out of tractors to MDC leaders shows that he too is ready to compromise, but in a deal that leaves him and his party as the senior partners. But should business not co-operate or even should he lose the elections, one cannot discount the possibility of him hanging on to power by force and proceed to nationalize key sectors of the economy and try and survive on the basis of the N. Korean and Cuban models as he today threatens.
Struggle only way forward
So whilst the economic crisis in Zimbabwe is climaxing it is naïve to think it will lead to automatic regime change or election victory in March 2008. As we earlier stated: “It is not all that obvious which way Zimbabwe will go or that the bourgeois elites will have their way. The country is at unprecedented crossroads, a virtual precipice…It is quite possible that if the local elites fail to urgently strike a settlement …including the resolution of the Mugabe succession issue, Zimbabwe could easily go the way of the growing number of neo-colonial failed states, notably Cote D’Ivoire…”
But also equally important is that the present situation is pregnant with another possibility that the Dells, Mugabes and MDCs don’t talk about but is probably the most powerful method of dealing with the crisis: “On the other hand it is also possible that the working class could again, as it did in 1996 – 98, inspire the rest of the working people and sections of the middle classes into massive social and political struggles against the entire neo-colonial and neo-liberal capitalist state as we see happening in the anti-capitalist struggles in Latin America today. But such struggles require that the working class build appropriate organizations to lead the struggle and develop an independent revolutionary socialist class ideology that guides them to victory. Critical to this, is the transformation of trade unions into more democratic, united and accountable organs of workers and the building of a political united democratic front of all progressive sections of the working people, urban and rural, with clear class and ideological lines, unlike the broad church dominated by the bourgeoisie of 1999… The worsening economic situation will continue to trigger small to significant revolts centred around bread and butter issues … The challenge is to generalize and link such different small actions into broader, bigger and specific campaigns supported by all the various forces still ready to fight, whilst also linking these to the struggle for a new democratic and anti-capitalist constitution…In the immediate, the objectives of such struggles would include complete constitutional reform to expand democracy, legal institutions, nationalization of the commanding heights of the economy, land re-distribution and general subordination of private property to society’s needs. A central demand of the movement must be that harmonized elections be done by 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this … then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience …a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. This must be the basis on which co-operation with the opposition parties must be built, but on the basis of an autonomous movement of working people and other radicals, so that when the political parties betray the struggle by entering deals with the dictatorship, as they are likely to, the struggle will continue…”
It would be a huge mistake to surrender leadership of such action to the opposition leadership, for “ … any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC (like the Save Zimbabwe Campaign) will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail... Even if it should engage in some mass action …its primary pre-occupation is towards reaching a sell out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… In other words to quote ZCTU president L. Matombo: ‘our goals are different. We see the product of this process as social revolution. They don’t.”
ISO Zim June 2007
We say … Mass Action now to kick out Regime & Imperialism!!!
Zimbabwe is at cross-roads as the economy rapidly heads for implosion. In June 2007 a Group of 34 International NGOs in Zimbabwe warned of economic collapse within six months. Outgoing US ambassador, “regime change” specialist, C. Dell, went further -
“We are closer to seeing change in Zimbabwe today generated from within than at any time since Independence... The acceleration of the economic collapse signifies an end-game for President Mugabe. The country’s inflation has doubled every month. In February independent analysts revealed that inflation was at 3 000%, while in March it doubled to 6000%. In April it was at 12 000% and currently it’s at 20 000%. By year-end the inflation rate will be at 1.5million percent…world-wide no government has survived presiding over inflation that had hit over seven digit levels.”
This is not mere talk by “imperialists.” In calling for an urgent Social Contract in February 2007, Reserve Bank Governor, G. Gono said the country was facing an unprecedented abyss. In the last two weeks of massive price increases of basic goods, such predicted economic now seems imminent, prompting the government to order the slashing by 50% of prices of all goods and services and impose a prize freeze. At the burial of Brig. General Gunda at the National Heroes Acre on the 27th June, conveniently chosen as it was the day of departure from office of Tony Blair, Mugabe threatened to nationalize all business that flout the price controls and jail the owners:
“Zvatirikuuya nazvo iyezvino tavakuomeserana. Kana to tinha, touya, whether you are bakers, producers, industry or commerce, take note, tinokuteverai. Ende hausi mutambo uchaitwa zvakanaka, it will be a rough game. Tavakusungana, you will be jailed. We will not be defeated by these tactics of regime change of the British …we will seize the mines and companies. We will nationalize them if they continue with these dirty games… we will take all the companies. Tinogona kuritambawo game iroro, ende tichimwisa futi, ne rough iyoyo.”
The question is whether this is just another toothless bark by the Mugabe regime or it means business this time or indeed the end-game has finally arrived for Mugabe?
Mugabe’s two choices
In the February 2003 issue of Socialist Worker we predicted that the main factor that would determine the future of Zimbabwe was the worsening economic crisis and how the main political actors would respond to this. We stated then that whilst Mugabe “was an intelligent and ruthless operative, capable of sophisticated and tactical shifts and the wrong-footing of his opponents, he and Zanu – PF are not immune from the tensions arising from the economic crisis, to which they have no solution.” We stated that the Mugabe regime had two choices: enter into a compromise deal involving a neo-liberal government of national unity of elites in Zanu PF and MDC supported by the West with Mugabe himself retiring or refuse to compromise politically, even as it proceeded with Gono’s neo-liberal programme and increased repression. We warned – that “the deepening of the neo-liberal agenda by a Mugabe government especially without the co-option of the MDC as a junior partner and acquiescence of the west would accelerate the economic crisis to the proportions seen in Argentina at the end of 2001 as local and international capital lay siege on the beleaguered regime…” As it were Mugabe chose the second option, especially with his decision to run again in 2008. And with it the climaxing economic crisis we see today. But does that mean he is finished?
Mugabe not finished
The imperialists have probably spoken too prematurely. Although in a corner the regime can still wiggle out by whipping business into line of complying with its social contract and not raise prices dramatically until elections next year. Mugabe is unlikely to want to nationalize as such given that his government is after all predominantly made up of bosses. But if business resists, as it has immediately done now by taking goods off the shelves, more radical measures are likely to follow. These may include a combination of nationalization, seizing some foreign businesses to give to his cronies under the guise of indigenisation or letting out Zanu PF hordes into selected shops. But Mugabe counts on the fact that business is likely to play ball being afraid of a repeat of the farm invasions and knowledge that he has the necessary two thirds parliament majority to amend the constitution. Given that the capitalists have been profiteering most will be prepared to weather a price control regime until election time rather than lose everything, giving the regime a powerful campaign tool. If Mugabe does not do the above indeed he is finished.
Not that Mugabe is totally averse to some kind of elitist compromise deal, for his retention of the neo-liberal Gono and his doling out of tractors to MDC leaders shows that he too is ready to compromise, but in a deal that leaves him and his party as the senior partners. But should business not co-operate or even should he lose the elections, one cannot discount the possibility of him hanging on to power by force and proceed to nationalize key sectors of the economy and try and survive on the basis of the N. Korean and Cuban models as he today threatens.
Struggle only way forward
So whilst the economic crisis in Zimbabwe is climaxing it is naïve to think it will lead to automatic regime change or election victory in March 2008. As we earlier stated: “It is not all that obvious which way Zimbabwe will go or that the bourgeois elites will have their way. The country is at unprecedented crossroads, a virtual precipice…It is quite possible that if the local elites fail to urgently strike a settlement …including the resolution of the Mugabe succession issue, Zimbabwe could easily go the way of the growing number of neo-colonial failed states, notably Cote D’Ivoire…”
But also equally important is that the present situation is pregnant with another possibility that the Dells, Mugabes and MDCs don’t talk about but is probably the most powerful method of dealing with the crisis: “On the other hand it is also possible that the working class could again, as it did in 1996 – 98, inspire the rest of the working people and sections of the middle classes into massive social and political struggles against the entire neo-colonial and neo-liberal capitalist state as we see happening in the anti-capitalist struggles in Latin America today. But such struggles require that the working class build appropriate organizations to lead the struggle and develop an independent revolutionary socialist class ideology that guides them to victory. Critical to this, is the transformation of trade unions into more democratic, united and accountable organs of workers and the building of a political united democratic front of all progressive sections of the working people, urban and rural, with clear class and ideological lines, unlike the broad church dominated by the bourgeoisie of 1999… The worsening economic situation will continue to trigger small to significant revolts centred around bread and butter issues … The challenge is to generalize and link such different small actions into broader, bigger and specific campaigns supported by all the various forces still ready to fight, whilst also linking these to the struggle for a new democratic and anti-capitalist constitution…In the immediate, the objectives of such struggles would include complete constitutional reform to expand democracy, legal institutions, nationalization of the commanding heights of the economy, land re-distribution and general subordination of private property to society’s needs. A central demand of the movement must be that harmonized elections be done by 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this … then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience …a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. This must be the basis on which co-operation with the opposition parties must be built, but on the basis of an autonomous movement of working people and other radicals, so that when the political parties betray the struggle by entering deals with the dictatorship, as they are likely to, the struggle will continue…”
It would be a huge mistake to surrender leadership of such action to the opposition leadership, for “ … any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC (like the Save Zimbabwe Campaign) will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail... Even if it should engage in some mass action …its primary pre-occupation is towards reaching a sell out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… In other words to quote ZCTU president L. Matombo: ‘our goals are different. We see the product of this process as social revolution. They don’t.”
ISO Zim June 2007
Friday, May 11, 2007
Friday, April 27, 2007
May Day Celebrations
Workers meet on Tuesday 1 May 2007 for Workers Day commemorations in the background of worsening poverty.
The Mugabe regime has used the excuse of sanctions for this and a deteriorating economy. Yet nothing could be further from the truth.
Excluding South Africa, 38% of the top 50 companies in the region are from Zimbabwe. 19 are from Zimbabwe, 13 are from Botswana and 8 are from Zambia.
On top of this, the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was rated the best performing in Africa last year. For the first three months of this year it was ranked the best performing stock exchange globally.
If we look at the figures of the highest valued companies, we can see who is really suffering in Zimbabwe. Among the top listed companies are:
Delta Corporation – owner of Delta Beverages
Innscor Africa – owner of Bakers Inn, Chicken Inn and others
Meikles Africa – owner of TM Supermarkets.
Hippo Valley Estates – biggest sugar producer
OK Zimbabwe – the supermarket chain
National Foods – food producers
Zimbabwe Sugar Refinery Corporation – refines Hippo Valley sugar cane
Dairibord – milk producers
Seed Co – produces seed for agricultural crops
Cotton Company – produces spun cotton for clothing and school uniforms.
In its 2006 financial year TM Supermarkets provided 75% of the net profit for the entire Meikles Africa group! Food companies, clothing manufacturers and banks are the top valued companies in Zimbabwe. These are the companies that handle important basic needs.
Yet is precisely the same bosses that are paying workers an average of $ 200,000 per month when the poverty datum line (PDL) is easily $ 1,200,000 – six times the average wage! The PDL inflation was 2,800% at the end of February 2007 whilst the general inflation figure was 1,700% at the same time.
It is precisely these same bosses that can afford to import vechicles from Britain at up to 175,000 British Pounds each – a staggering seven-and-a-half trillion dollars on the parallel market. They spend 400,000 US Dollars (nearly nine trillion dollars) every single day on importing vechicles from Dubai.
It is exactly these same bosses that refuse to pay import duties in foreign currency.
Enough is Enough! Zvakwana! Sokwanele! May Day must be the time to plan for mass class war on these blood-ducking parasites!
The Mugabe regime has used the excuse of sanctions for this and a deteriorating economy. Yet nothing could be further from the truth.
Excluding South Africa, 38% of the top 50 companies in the region are from Zimbabwe. 19 are from Zimbabwe, 13 are from Botswana and 8 are from Zambia.
On top of this, the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was rated the best performing in Africa last year. For the first three months of this year it was ranked the best performing stock exchange globally.
If we look at the figures of the highest valued companies, we can see who is really suffering in Zimbabwe. Among the top listed companies are:
Delta Corporation – owner of Delta Beverages
Innscor Africa – owner of Bakers Inn, Chicken Inn and others
Meikles Africa – owner of TM Supermarkets.
Hippo Valley Estates – biggest sugar producer
OK Zimbabwe – the supermarket chain
National Foods – food producers
Zimbabwe Sugar Refinery Corporation – refines Hippo Valley sugar cane
Dairibord – milk producers
Seed Co – produces seed for agricultural crops
Cotton Company – produces spun cotton for clothing and school uniforms.
In its 2006 financial year TM Supermarkets provided 75% of the net profit for the entire Meikles Africa group! Food companies, clothing manufacturers and banks are the top valued companies in Zimbabwe. These are the companies that handle important basic needs.
Yet is precisely the same bosses that are paying workers an average of $ 200,000 per month when the poverty datum line (PDL) is easily $ 1,200,000 – six times the average wage! The PDL inflation was 2,800% at the end of February 2007 whilst the general inflation figure was 1,700% at the same time.
It is precisely these same bosses that can afford to import vechicles from Britain at up to 175,000 British Pounds each – a staggering seven-and-a-half trillion dollars on the parallel market. They spend 400,000 US Dollars (nearly nine trillion dollars) every single day on importing vechicles from Dubai.
It is exactly these same bosses that refuse to pay import duties in foreign currency.
Enough is Enough! Zvakwana! Sokwanele! May Day must be the time to plan for mass class war on these blood-ducking parasites!
In Harare, the venue is Gwanzura in Highfield. For other venues please contact you local ZCTU offices.
On Monday Morning 23rd April WOZA`s `Power to the People` campaign spread to Harare when protesters assembled at ZESA offices in Kuwadzana, Warren Park and Zengeza to hold simultaneous 'tough love' protests. Over 470 members from 10 differentareas of Harare took part.
The protests at Warren Park and Zengeza took place without incident and the participants were able to disperse before police arrived but in Kuwadzana eye witnesses reported that the police arrived brandishing guns and 56 members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) - 36 women, 20 men and 10 babies – were arrested.
Lawyers have been denied access and WOZA supporters trying to take in food were only allowed access at 9pm yesterday evening. When they did they noted that many members had blood on their heads and clothing and had clearly been assaulted by police. Threats of beheading were made against those bringing food but no-one who delivered food this morning was harmed.Many thanks to all those who have been phoning in support of WOZA`s Power to the People campaign. Feedback indicates that Luveve and Tshabalala quickly stopped answering calls although some managed to get through on Thursday night; no- one seems to be getting through to Bulawayo Central.
Here are some alternative numbers for your to try.
Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri +263-04-250008 / 792621 / 700171
Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi on +263-11-605424 / +263-4-430422 / 794628 / 703695
State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa on +263-11-200532 / +263-4-774189
Harare Central Police Station on +263-4-777777
The protests at Warren Park and Zengeza took place without incident and the participants were able to disperse before police arrived but in Kuwadzana eye witnesses reported that the police arrived brandishing guns and 56 members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) - 36 women, 20 men and 10 babies – were arrested.
Lawyers have been denied access and WOZA supporters trying to take in food were only allowed access at 9pm yesterday evening. When they did they noted that many members had blood on their heads and clothing and had clearly been assaulted by police. Threats of beheading were made against those bringing food but no-one who delivered food this morning was harmed.Many thanks to all those who have been phoning in support of WOZA`s Power to the People campaign. Feedback indicates that Luveve and Tshabalala quickly stopped answering calls although some managed to get through on Thursday night; no- one seems to be getting through to Bulawayo Central.
Here are some alternative numbers for your to try.
Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri +263-04-250008 / 792621 / 700171
Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi on +263-11-605424 / +263-4-430422 / 794628 / 703695
State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa on +263-11-200532 / +263-4-774189
Harare Central Police Station on +263-4-777777
Tuesday, April 24, 2007
Friday, April 20, 2007
Mass Action The Way To Solve The Crisis
Since the beginning of the year, working people struggles in Zimbabwe has risen. The year opened with the Zesa workers, doctors, nurses and teachers strikes and the civil servants industrial action. The continued sharp rises in the prices of food and transport going up twice every week has given confidence to unemployed township youths and women and has put pressure on the opposition leadership to take some action.
Women vendors in Mufakose and other townships resisted the continued harassment from municipal police by raining stones on them - though the acts were isolated and easily crushed by the police. The Zanu PF government in response has imposed a state of emergency banning rallies in towns where the opposition enjoys support and where the pinch is being felt most by ordinary people.
This has led to debates among the opposition leadership as to whether the time has come for a head on with the government or whether foreign intervention is the way to end the crisis or to wait for the masses to come out on their own. When MDC Democratic Resistance Committees (DRCs) demonstrated in support of the teachers and doctors leading to the arrest of demonstrators, Tsvangirai attacked the demonstration saying it was not the time to be involved in “reckless” acts.
As the situation continues to open, the pressure from below for action continues increasing. When the police stopped
Tsvangirai’s Highfield rally from going ahead the youths responded by fighting back so fiercely that police had to call in
extra support and use riot water cannon that where bought from Israel. The arrest and beatings of the opposition leaders climaxed it all that everyone is now calling for removal of the current regime
On the other hand, Zanu PF, just as in 2000, has now gone on the campaign trail to consolidate its power in face of the
crisis. Mugabe’s consolidation of his power is not just aimed at the opposition but also within his party against the Mujuru faction. Mujuru’s faction, realizing how bad the economy has gone, also called for Mugabe to step down and started having meetings with diplomats assuring them that if they take over, stable economic environment is guaranteed.
This has forced Mugabe to defend himself and come out in the open to say that he is standing again next year. He
has managed to silence the growing resistance within his own party by isolating the Mujuru faction. Though Mugabe, through his campaign that he has kicked off for 2008, is talking radical, his RBZ appointee Gono is viciously attacking the ordinary people through his policies. The economic crisis has deteriorated. Life has become difficult for ordinary people.
Whilst Tsvangirai, Madhuku and others were still in hospital there were talks over the issue of the Social contract with
government and bosses, the very same government that is unleashing violence on leaders and ordinary people in the
locations. But the social contract is not the solutions to ordinary people’s problems. What ordinary people want is action for prices, rates, rents, school fees to go down, and the availability of drugs. Under the social contract, bosses will not freeze prices but will only freeze wages.
When the government imposes price controls, commodities suddenly disappear from supermarkets only to
reappear on the parallel market at higher prices, the same will happen under social contract. If the social contract is to be signed today the wages will be frozen or controlled below what is needed for workers to survive. Instead there should be demands for a minimum wage linked to the Poverty Datum Line. There are calls for workers to be paid on a fortnightly basis because of the ever increases of prices. This is what the labour leaders should be calling for to cushion workers in this environment not social contract.
MDC and the crisis
Though the crack-down and the brutal murder of Gift by police has somewhat revived the MDC, the leadership is still not convinced that the time for change is now. They were very reluctant to attend the Save Zimbabwe rally. They made a Uturn on hearing that Mutambara had been arrested and drove to Highfield police station, leading to their arrests and beating.
The masses under MDC have been revived their resistance mood. However, the leadership is slow to move with the
masses. An MDC activist said “Tanzwa nekuchekereswa (we now tired of their sell out)”. This is the frustration that is being experienced by many who are angry with the MDC’s lack of decisive way forward in challenging Mugabe. They are totally opposed to mass action and wear also reluctant to have the mass memorial service of Gift taking place. This is why the memorial service was held in Borrowdale, safe from the police. Although people were bussed from locations it was different if it had been held in Highfield or Glen View. This would have radicalised more people including forcing the labour leaders to join in.
What is now happening out of the frustration to publicly call for action is that other leaders are now engaging in
bombings as the way forward. The DRCs are now sponsoring youths to engage in violent acts of provoking the police and government which will eventually lead to mass uprisings as they are hoping. The recent bombings of 5 police stations and Zanu PF activists businesses and houses is all part of a plan of how to fight back. This has had a negative impact with Zanu PF retaliating in the same manner with the attack on Chamisa at the airport and the kidnapping of Maengahama at the on his way from the memorial service. However, they still believe that if they increase their attacks it will eventually work.
The crisis in Zimbabwe cannot be solved by merely engaging a few dedicated activists. There is need to take
advantage of the rising resistance mood of residents, vendors, ordinary women, HIV activists and link it in with the ZCTU stay away. Already there is the idea of renting activists to stop commuter buses from ferrying people to work, blocking roads and attacking the police so that there will be violence and people will not go to work. This must be stopped as it promotes the idea that only a few can solve the crisis. This idea does not recognize the role that workers, students, vendors and the urban poor can play in unseating a dictator and changing the system.
Another weakness currently is that though the masses are making demands that challenge Mugabe and Gono’s neoliberal free market policies the MDC leadership have narrowed it down only to democratic, anti-dictatorship demands. It is interesting to note that Mutambara leader of the other faction, who is now aligning himself more with Tsvangirai faction and wants reconciliation with, is the one taking an anti imperialist stance in his speeches.
Foreign Intervention?
There have been calls from several regional civic society bodies and individuals in an advert in the private Sunday press calling for some sort of foreign intervention to solve the Zimbabwean crisis. But the crisis is more than a political crisis. The political crisis in Zimbabwe derives from the economic and social crisis. This economic social crisis is as a
result of the drive of the investor classes, both local and foreign, to make money. The barbaric price rises of 300% in just 2 weeks this month are testimony to this fact. Any intervention will be to safeguard the system of exploitation and profit.
The calls for military intervention are mere dreams. The horrific reports of interventions in Somalia, Sudan, the DRC and others show what kind of “liberation” will be offered – intervention will be to further the aims of the elite and the ruling class. Following interventions across the globe; Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf implements the worst neo-liberal policies in Liberia; Karzai oversees construction of the most modern building in Kabul to cater for the whims of the elite while those outside the capital still lack reliable water and electricity; thousands are fleeing Mogadishu while Ethiopian soldiers unleash “peace, stability, law and order”; UN troops are involved in child sex trading in the DRC. In all these cases, and more, the disastrous neo-liberal policies demanded by ruling classes are carried out on the same scale or worse than before. Furthermore, the SADC meeting in Tanzania this month also shows what kind of people are being called on to intervene. Further, intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq based on ruling class agendas leads to more of the same.
Intervention must be called for by the struggling masses of Zimbabwe themselves on the basis of assisting the masses – not the investors whose ruinous policies caused the crisis in the first place. The cry of “Viva Zimbabwe Viva!” by liberals simply masks the class nature of the crisis in Zimbabwe. The rich investors still go on their boat cruises on Kariba, while ordering live prawns and crabs from Spar Borrowdale Brooke and other shops in Sam Levy’s Village, while the rest of us walk to work.
Mujuru or Mnangagwa?
A brief mention must be made here of the ZANU-PF Politburo meeting of Friday 30 March 2007 as it surprised a few
observers.
At the ZANU-PF December 2006 Congress, Mugabe failed to get support for an extension of his stolen term to 2010.
The provincial delegates refused to ratify his proposal. Yet Mugabe managed to do so at the 30 March Politburo meeting. The answer is that both main factions in the party are headed by a business elite - neither of whom is able, or rather willing, to mobilise popular support. This is why Mugabe, on the other hand, turned up with bus loads of supporters. Mnangagwa having concerns in the DRC while Mujuru has diamond concerns locally and is allied to big business in this country. Both factions leaders prefer a quicker solution to the economic crisis facing the country.
Similarly, Mugabe will have his way over the 2 factions in the campaign for the Parliamentary and Presidential elections next year when Parliament is reduced to a span of 3 years. All this means that the radical genuine anti-neo-liberal activists and fighters in the Zimbabwe Social Forum will have the better hand in the fight against neo-liberalism in this country. But to be effective, these activists must link up with genuine anti-neo-liberal activists in both the MDC and ZANUPF to lead a truly mass movement in both the towns, cities and country-side to unseat capitalism in Zimbabwe and provide an inspiration to others in the region and beyond.
What then is the way forward?
April 3 & 4 are very critical in the way forward of the current wave of resistance that has emerged. We must go all out to mobilize for ZCTU stay away – for participation of workers and ordinary people in it not just the paid youths. This way the resistance will be sustained as it will move to another action in follow up. This movement will talk about bread and butter issues, also saying no to current police brutality and state of emergency that Zanu PF has declared. Already radical structures of ZSF are mobilizing for the stay away, supporting the ZCTU call. This is the only way to counter the bombing campaign that is being encouraged. With ZCTU and ZSF leading the masses will follow with broadened demands that are on the left of what Mugabe is saying. Radical MDC activists must also join in this campaign. This action will stop Mugabe from running next year and provide concrete, working class based arguments, to solve
Zimbabwe’s crisis permanently. Mass Action ndizvo.
ISO National CO-Ordinating Committee
Women vendors in Mufakose and other townships resisted the continued harassment from municipal police by raining stones on them - though the acts were isolated and easily crushed by the police. The Zanu PF government in response has imposed a state of emergency banning rallies in towns where the opposition enjoys support and where the pinch is being felt most by ordinary people.
This has led to debates among the opposition leadership as to whether the time has come for a head on with the government or whether foreign intervention is the way to end the crisis or to wait for the masses to come out on their own. When MDC Democratic Resistance Committees (DRCs) demonstrated in support of the teachers and doctors leading to the arrest of demonstrators, Tsvangirai attacked the demonstration saying it was not the time to be involved in “reckless” acts.
As the situation continues to open, the pressure from below for action continues increasing. When the police stopped
Tsvangirai’s Highfield rally from going ahead the youths responded by fighting back so fiercely that police had to call in
extra support and use riot water cannon that where bought from Israel. The arrest and beatings of the opposition leaders climaxed it all that everyone is now calling for removal of the current regime
On the other hand, Zanu PF, just as in 2000, has now gone on the campaign trail to consolidate its power in face of the
crisis. Mugabe’s consolidation of his power is not just aimed at the opposition but also within his party against the Mujuru faction. Mujuru’s faction, realizing how bad the economy has gone, also called for Mugabe to step down and started having meetings with diplomats assuring them that if they take over, stable economic environment is guaranteed.
This has forced Mugabe to defend himself and come out in the open to say that he is standing again next year. He
has managed to silence the growing resistance within his own party by isolating the Mujuru faction. Though Mugabe, through his campaign that he has kicked off for 2008, is talking radical, his RBZ appointee Gono is viciously attacking the ordinary people through his policies. The economic crisis has deteriorated. Life has become difficult for ordinary people.
Whilst Tsvangirai, Madhuku and others were still in hospital there were talks over the issue of the Social contract with
government and bosses, the very same government that is unleashing violence on leaders and ordinary people in the
locations. But the social contract is not the solutions to ordinary people’s problems. What ordinary people want is action for prices, rates, rents, school fees to go down, and the availability of drugs. Under the social contract, bosses will not freeze prices but will only freeze wages.
When the government imposes price controls, commodities suddenly disappear from supermarkets only to
reappear on the parallel market at higher prices, the same will happen under social contract. If the social contract is to be signed today the wages will be frozen or controlled below what is needed for workers to survive. Instead there should be demands for a minimum wage linked to the Poverty Datum Line. There are calls for workers to be paid on a fortnightly basis because of the ever increases of prices. This is what the labour leaders should be calling for to cushion workers in this environment not social contract.
MDC and the crisis
Though the crack-down and the brutal murder of Gift by police has somewhat revived the MDC, the leadership is still not convinced that the time for change is now. They were very reluctant to attend the Save Zimbabwe rally. They made a Uturn on hearing that Mutambara had been arrested and drove to Highfield police station, leading to their arrests and beating.
The masses under MDC have been revived their resistance mood. However, the leadership is slow to move with the
masses. An MDC activist said “Tanzwa nekuchekereswa (we now tired of their sell out)”. This is the frustration that is being experienced by many who are angry with the MDC’s lack of decisive way forward in challenging Mugabe. They are totally opposed to mass action and wear also reluctant to have the mass memorial service of Gift taking place. This is why the memorial service was held in Borrowdale, safe from the police. Although people were bussed from locations it was different if it had been held in Highfield or Glen View. This would have radicalised more people including forcing the labour leaders to join in.
What is now happening out of the frustration to publicly call for action is that other leaders are now engaging in
bombings as the way forward. The DRCs are now sponsoring youths to engage in violent acts of provoking the police and government which will eventually lead to mass uprisings as they are hoping. The recent bombings of 5 police stations and Zanu PF activists businesses and houses is all part of a plan of how to fight back. This has had a negative impact with Zanu PF retaliating in the same manner with the attack on Chamisa at the airport and the kidnapping of Maengahama at the on his way from the memorial service. However, they still believe that if they increase their attacks it will eventually work.
The crisis in Zimbabwe cannot be solved by merely engaging a few dedicated activists. There is need to take
advantage of the rising resistance mood of residents, vendors, ordinary women, HIV activists and link it in with the ZCTU stay away. Already there is the idea of renting activists to stop commuter buses from ferrying people to work, blocking roads and attacking the police so that there will be violence and people will not go to work. This must be stopped as it promotes the idea that only a few can solve the crisis. This idea does not recognize the role that workers, students, vendors and the urban poor can play in unseating a dictator and changing the system.
Another weakness currently is that though the masses are making demands that challenge Mugabe and Gono’s neoliberal free market policies the MDC leadership have narrowed it down only to democratic, anti-dictatorship demands. It is interesting to note that Mutambara leader of the other faction, who is now aligning himself more with Tsvangirai faction and wants reconciliation with, is the one taking an anti imperialist stance in his speeches.
Foreign Intervention?
There have been calls from several regional civic society bodies and individuals in an advert in the private Sunday press calling for some sort of foreign intervention to solve the Zimbabwean crisis. But the crisis is more than a political crisis. The political crisis in Zimbabwe derives from the economic and social crisis. This economic social crisis is as a
result of the drive of the investor classes, both local and foreign, to make money. The barbaric price rises of 300% in just 2 weeks this month are testimony to this fact. Any intervention will be to safeguard the system of exploitation and profit.
The calls for military intervention are mere dreams. The horrific reports of interventions in Somalia, Sudan, the DRC and others show what kind of “liberation” will be offered – intervention will be to further the aims of the elite and the ruling class. Following interventions across the globe; Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf implements the worst neo-liberal policies in Liberia; Karzai oversees construction of the most modern building in Kabul to cater for the whims of the elite while those outside the capital still lack reliable water and electricity; thousands are fleeing Mogadishu while Ethiopian soldiers unleash “peace, stability, law and order”; UN troops are involved in child sex trading in the DRC. In all these cases, and more, the disastrous neo-liberal policies demanded by ruling classes are carried out on the same scale or worse than before. Furthermore, the SADC meeting in Tanzania this month also shows what kind of people are being called on to intervene. Further, intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq based on ruling class agendas leads to more of the same.
Intervention must be called for by the struggling masses of Zimbabwe themselves on the basis of assisting the masses – not the investors whose ruinous policies caused the crisis in the first place. The cry of “Viva Zimbabwe Viva!” by liberals simply masks the class nature of the crisis in Zimbabwe. The rich investors still go on their boat cruises on Kariba, while ordering live prawns and crabs from Spar Borrowdale Brooke and other shops in Sam Levy’s Village, while the rest of us walk to work.
Mujuru or Mnangagwa?
A brief mention must be made here of the ZANU-PF Politburo meeting of Friday 30 March 2007 as it surprised a few
observers.
At the ZANU-PF December 2006 Congress, Mugabe failed to get support for an extension of his stolen term to 2010.
The provincial delegates refused to ratify his proposal. Yet Mugabe managed to do so at the 30 March Politburo meeting. The answer is that both main factions in the party are headed by a business elite - neither of whom is able, or rather willing, to mobilise popular support. This is why Mugabe, on the other hand, turned up with bus loads of supporters. Mnangagwa having concerns in the DRC while Mujuru has diamond concerns locally and is allied to big business in this country. Both factions leaders prefer a quicker solution to the economic crisis facing the country.
Similarly, Mugabe will have his way over the 2 factions in the campaign for the Parliamentary and Presidential elections next year when Parliament is reduced to a span of 3 years. All this means that the radical genuine anti-neo-liberal activists and fighters in the Zimbabwe Social Forum will have the better hand in the fight against neo-liberalism in this country. But to be effective, these activists must link up with genuine anti-neo-liberal activists in both the MDC and ZANUPF to lead a truly mass movement in both the towns, cities and country-side to unseat capitalism in Zimbabwe and provide an inspiration to others in the region and beyond.
What then is the way forward?
April 3 & 4 are very critical in the way forward of the current wave of resistance that has emerged. We must go all out to mobilize for ZCTU stay away – for participation of workers and ordinary people in it not just the paid youths. This way the resistance will be sustained as it will move to another action in follow up. This movement will talk about bread and butter issues, also saying no to current police brutality and state of emergency that Zanu PF has declared. Already radical structures of ZSF are mobilizing for the stay away, supporting the ZCTU call. This is the only way to counter the bombing campaign that is being encouraged. With ZCTU and ZSF leading the masses will follow with broadened demands that are on the left of what Mugabe is saying. Radical MDC activists must also join in this campaign. This action will stop Mugabe from running next year and provide concrete, working class based arguments, to solve
Zimbabwe’s crisis permanently. Mass Action ndizvo.
ISO National CO-Ordinating Committee
Tuesday, March 27, 2007
Mobilise for ZCTU 3 and 4 April Strike!
* Working Class On The Rise
* Street Battles From Bulawayo to Budiriro, Dulibadzimu to Dangamvura
* Prices Rise Daily By Over 1,000% - No To Wage Freeze
* No To Social Contract
* Reverse School Fee Hikes
* ZINWA and ZESA Hike Charges But No Water or Electricity
* Exhorbitant Kombi Fares
* Health Delivery In Shambles
* Councils Deliver Sewerage Pools and Rubbish Heaps in Residential Areas
* Immediate reversal of price increases to Dec 2006 levels. Open The Bakeries
* No to extension of Mugabe’s Presidential term. MUGABE CHIENDA NHASI
* Wages linked to the Poverty Datum Line. GONO CHIENDA NHASI
* Democratic Constitution before any further Presidential or General elections
* Repeal POSA and AIPPA. MOHADI NA SEKERAMAYI CHIENDA
* Reverse College Tuition Fees and Supplementary Exam Fees. Open The Colleges and Universities. Pay The Lecturers.
* Decommission Riot Water Cannon
* Fire The Entire Cabinet – Including The One Who Hired Them In The First Place
MOBILISE FOR 3 AND 4 APRIL NATIONWIDE GENERAL STRIKE! QINA MSEBENZI QINA! – PENGA MUSHANDI PENGA! – AHOY UNION AHOY!
* Street Battles From Bulawayo to Budiriro, Dulibadzimu to Dangamvura
* Prices Rise Daily By Over 1,000% - No To Wage Freeze
* No To Social Contract
* Reverse School Fee Hikes
* ZINWA and ZESA Hike Charges But No Water or Electricity
* Exhorbitant Kombi Fares
* Health Delivery In Shambles
* Councils Deliver Sewerage Pools and Rubbish Heaps in Residential Areas
* Immediate reversal of price increases to Dec 2006 levels. Open The Bakeries
* No to extension of Mugabe’s Presidential term. MUGABE CHIENDA NHASI
* Wages linked to the Poverty Datum Line. GONO CHIENDA NHASI
* Democratic Constitution before any further Presidential or General elections
* Repeal POSA and AIPPA. MOHADI NA SEKERAMAYI CHIENDA
* Reverse College Tuition Fees and Supplementary Exam Fees. Open The Colleges and Universities. Pay The Lecturers.
* Decommission Riot Water Cannon
* Fire The Entire Cabinet – Including The One Who Hired Them In The First Place
MOBILISE FOR 3 AND 4 APRIL NATIONWIDE GENERAL STRIKE! QINA MSEBENZI QINA! – PENGA MUSHANDI PENGA! – AHOY UNION AHOY!
Organise For Nationwide ZCTU Strike On 3 and 4 April
The ZCTU Naiowide Strike is still on for Monday 3 and Tuesday 4 April - just days away.
Workers Committees and Trade Unions must organise flying pickets in the industrial and commercial areas.
Residents Associations must organise pickets to stop ZUPCO's and kombis from oerating.
Workers Committees and Trade Unions must organise flying pickets in the industrial and commercial areas.
Residents Associations must organise pickets to stop ZUPCO's and kombis from oerating.
Wednesday, February 21, 2007
TATAMBURA – USADHERERE – We Are Starving – We Are Going To Eat Your Tear Gas!!
18 Feb 2007 – Highfields, Harare
The MDC (Tsvangirai group) obtained a High Court Order the previous day allowing them to go ahead with a planned rally at Zimbabwe Grounds. On the day of the rally (18 Feb) Zimbabwe Grounds was sealed off by riot police. They fired tear-gas at the 200 MDC members already inside preparing the venue.
Street fights and pitched battles then erupted. Tear-gas was fired at women and children leaving a church sparking fierce clashes. In retaliation a group of Highfield residents waited for police to move down Nyandoro Drive. They then stormed Machipisa Police Station and shut it down for a couple of hours.
17 Feb 2007 – Budiriro, Glen View and Glen Norah
Residents of the south-western townships march. Protesters carry placards reading “No To Extortionate Council Budget Charges”, “Why No ZESA” and “Your Term Is Up – You Have Stayed Too Long”. Riot Police responded with tear-gas. A police car is burned.
16 Feb 2007 – Epworth, Harare
A pick-up truck carrying 6 Harare Council police turned up at a shopping centre for the routine arrest of vendors. But this was no ordinary day. Within minutes the cops came under a barrage of missiles and stones. Kombi drivers parked their kombis around the cops truck and prevented it from leaving. The cops had to flee on foot to safety.
City-Centre, Harare
A demonstration of NCA and opposition members against the extension of the Presidents term in office was met by support unit riot police. This too was no ordinary day. The protesters baved tear-gas and police batons to charge at the police. Minutes later a police wooden post in the main shopping mall of First Street was lying in pieces. Four cops inside had to flee. One hospitalised.
13 Feb 2007 – City Centre, Harare AND city Centre, Bulawayo
The annual WOZA Valentine demonstration against bigotry and oppression takes place. 3,000 protesters in total take to the streets. 274 women and 20 babies are arrested in Bulawayo. In Harare, the police had grown weary of arrests and decided to use tear-gas. Thick clouds of smoke erupted and a handful were arrested.
* It is only by fighting that we can win. Following the launch of the TV Licence Fee campaign, the regime has had to respond by cancelling the increases. Now we must go further until final victory. Mugabe is not the only criminal in this country – all of his neighbours kuBorrowdale Brooke and so forth are the same class dzeMbavha neTsotsi.
SEND IN YOUR REPORTS FROM THE STREETS AND WORKPLACE. E-MAIL iso.zim@gmail.com or rosazulu@cooltoad.com or fax (04) 704209 JAMBANJA UNTIL FINAL VICTORY!! PASI NEMABOSS!! PASI NEMACHEF!!
The MDC (Tsvangirai group) obtained a High Court Order the previous day allowing them to go ahead with a planned rally at Zimbabwe Grounds. On the day of the rally (18 Feb) Zimbabwe Grounds was sealed off by riot police. They fired tear-gas at the 200 MDC members already inside preparing the venue.
Street fights and pitched battles then erupted. Tear-gas was fired at women and children leaving a church sparking fierce clashes. In retaliation a group of Highfield residents waited for police to move down Nyandoro Drive. They then stormed Machipisa Police Station and shut it down for a couple of hours.
17 Feb 2007 – Budiriro, Glen View and Glen Norah
Residents of the south-western townships march. Protesters carry placards reading “No To Extortionate Council Budget Charges”, “Why No ZESA” and “Your Term Is Up – You Have Stayed Too Long”. Riot Police responded with tear-gas. A police car is burned.
16 Feb 2007 – Epworth, Harare
A pick-up truck carrying 6 Harare Council police turned up at a shopping centre for the routine arrest of vendors. But this was no ordinary day. Within minutes the cops came under a barrage of missiles and stones. Kombi drivers parked their kombis around the cops truck and prevented it from leaving. The cops had to flee on foot to safety.
City-Centre, Harare
A demonstration of NCA and opposition members against the extension of the Presidents term in office was met by support unit riot police. This too was no ordinary day. The protesters baved tear-gas and police batons to charge at the police. Minutes later a police wooden post in the main shopping mall of First Street was lying in pieces. Four cops inside had to flee. One hospitalised.
13 Feb 2007 – City Centre, Harare AND city Centre, Bulawayo
The annual WOZA Valentine demonstration against bigotry and oppression takes place. 3,000 protesters in total take to the streets. 274 women and 20 babies are arrested in Bulawayo. In Harare, the police had grown weary of arrests and decided to use tear-gas. Thick clouds of smoke erupted and a handful were arrested.
* It is only by fighting that we can win. Following the launch of the TV Licence Fee campaign, the regime has had to respond by cancelling the increases. Now we must go further until final victory. Mugabe is not the only criminal in this country – all of his neighbours kuBorrowdale Brooke and so forth are the same class dzeMbavha neTsotsi.
SEND IN YOUR REPORTS FROM THE STREETS AND WORKPLACE. E-MAIL iso.zim@gmail.com or rosazulu@cooltoad.com or fax (04) 704209 JAMBANJA UNTIL FINAL VICTORY!! PASI NEMABOSS!! PASI NEMACHEF!!
Friday, February 02, 2007
No To TV Licence Fee Hikes
SAY NO TO THE EXTORTIONATE TV/RADIO LICENCE FEES OF $ 150,000
SEND AN SMS TO MR LUWIZHI (Harare Licence Department) ON 011 873 254.
TELL THEM WE DONT WANT TO PAY FOR THEIR MERCEDES BENZ E250's, PAJEROS, DOUBLE CABS, DSTV, CURTAINS, FURNITURE AND STINKING ZANU-PF PROPAGANDA.
(Those over 65 do not need to pay as per Act 244 of 2003)
SEND AN SMS TO MR LUWIZHI (Harare Licence Department) ON 011 873 254.
TELL THEM WE DONT WANT TO PAY FOR THEIR MERCEDES BENZ E250's, PAJEROS, DOUBLE CABS, DSTV, CURTAINS, FURNITURE AND STINKING ZANU-PF PROPAGANDA.
(Those over 65 do not need to pay as per Act 244 of 2003)
59 killed by military in Guinea
At least 59 people have been killed by the military in Guinea since a general strike started on 10 Jan 2007.
Moktar Ba, a reporter for Radio France International in Conakry, the capital, says the real reason for the general strike is the people's growing poverty. Most people survive on less than $1 a day, whilst the implementation of neo-liberal policies has seen the total collapse of service delivery basics like health, water and electricity.
Guinea is the world's second biggest producer of bauxite, the source of aluminum. Aluminium is the major component of aircraft wings. Guinea possesses about one-third of the world's reserves of bauxite. It also is a major producer of gold.
The trade union movement called two successful general strikes last year.
17 people were killed on 22 January when soldiers opened fire on street protesters in Guinea in the deadliest day since the start of the mass uprising against the regime of West Africa's longest-serving president.
Trade unions and opposition parties are protesting against the autocratic 23-year rule of Lansana Conté.
"We have total support," Rabiatou Serah Diallo, the leader of the
National Confederation of Guinean Workers, said. "The resolve of the people is enormous. You can see that because they are prepared to continue turning up for peaceful marches despite the fact that the security forces now clearly have orders to open fire."
The trade unions called the strike after Conté last month ordered the release of two of his friends who had been jailed for corruption.
"That arrogant show of impunity was just too much for the people,"
Jean-Marie Doré, the leader of the opposition Union For The Progress of Guinea, said. "They are fed up with living in a country where nothing works even when there is not a general strike. People have nothing to lose."
Since it started on 10 January, the general strike has spread rapidly beyond the capital, Conakry, to the railways and its mining industry.
The similarity between Guinea and Zimbabwe means we must watch events there to learn lessons in our own struggle to get rid of the Mugabe regime and neo-liberalism.
Moktar Ba, a reporter for Radio France International in Conakry, the capital, says the real reason for the general strike is the people's growing poverty. Most people survive on less than $1 a day, whilst the implementation of neo-liberal policies has seen the total collapse of service delivery basics like health, water and electricity.
Guinea is the world's second biggest producer of bauxite, the source of aluminum. Aluminium is the major component of aircraft wings. Guinea possesses about one-third of the world's reserves of bauxite. It also is a major producer of gold.
The trade union movement called two successful general strikes last year.
17 people were killed on 22 January when soldiers opened fire on street protesters in Guinea in the deadliest day since the start of the mass uprising against the regime of West Africa's longest-serving president.
Trade unions and opposition parties are protesting against the autocratic 23-year rule of Lansana Conté.
"We have total support," Rabiatou Serah Diallo, the leader of the
National Confederation of Guinean Workers, said. "The resolve of the people is enormous. You can see that because they are prepared to continue turning up for peaceful marches despite the fact that the security forces now clearly have orders to open fire."
The trade unions called the strike after Conté last month ordered the release of two of his friends who had been jailed for corruption.
"That arrogant show of impunity was just too much for the people,"
Jean-Marie Doré, the leader of the opposition Union For The Progress of Guinea, said. "They are fed up with living in a country where nothing works even when there is not a general strike. People have nothing to lose."
Since it started on 10 January, the general strike has spread rapidly beyond the capital, Conakry, to the railways and its mining industry.
The similarity between Guinea and Zimbabwe means we must watch events there to learn lessons in our own struggle to get rid of the Mugabe regime and neo-liberalism.
Tuesday, January 30, 2007
Please Note...
Due to intermittent and bad so-called service from state capitalist monopolies Tel-One and Dat-One, connection to this site has been awful since December last year.
The rotten ISP service has resulted in a couple of the articles below having been posted to the site twice. Please bear with us. Thanks!
Editor ISO
The rotten ISP service has resulted in a couple of the articles below having been posted to the site twice. Please bear with us. Thanks!
Editor ISO
Thursday, January 25, 2007
Mugabe Extends Dictatorship to 2010 as bosses declare war on the poor - Jambanja only way forward!!
At its December Conference, the Zanu PF regime, resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in 2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term. What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society and the labour movement. As late as November the Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for the coming presidential elections! In view of such cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the poor and majority of this country. It started with Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary Policy announcing the removal of price controls and all subsidies on goods and services offered by the government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst local councils across the country have massively hiked rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1,280%!
On its part business has imposed savage unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services, farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an average working class family, yet workers on average earn not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers, nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was reported amongst the top three performers across Africa in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as they give workers peanuts. But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social movements under accountable and recallable leadership must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship and anti-imperialist programme to push forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell–out leaders and replace them with militants and push for action, strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand with the social movements. We must seek to build regional and international solidarity from other movements of the poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash Capitalism!
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term. What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society and the labour movement. As late as November the Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for the coming presidential elections! In view of such cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the poor and majority of this country. It started with Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary Policy announcing the removal of price controls and all subsidies on goods and services offered by the government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst local councils across the country have massively hiked rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1,280%!
On its part business has imposed savage unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services, farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an average working class family, yet workers on average earn not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers, nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was reported amongst the top three performers across Africa in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as they give workers peanuts. But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social movements under accountable and recallable leadership must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship and anti-imperialist programme to push forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell–out leaders and replace them with militants and push for action, strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand with the social movements. We must seek to build regional and international solidarity from other movements of the poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash Capitalism!
Struggles in Printing Union
Serious internal squabbles have erupted in the Printing union. One faction is led by old Reflections members (a rank and file group of workers which successfully mobilized and took over the union from the old corrupt ZGWU leadership. The other side is a mixture of old ZGWU supporters, some who contested the 2004 Congress and lost and a few currently in the national
council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering .They managed to transform the entire industry wiwthin a short space , lifting wages from the least paid to the top paying industries in the country. In a space of only two years they organized two very successful industry wide strikes with the full backing of workers.
Squables began after their last strike, which left most union activists and most national council members victimised leading the strike ..That was a very unfortunate situation because could not be active anymore on the shopfloor ..To cover up for the vacuum the union had to create some extra executive posts and full time office positions to keep the expelled comrades whose experience the union could not afford to loose whilst co-opting other activists into positions. In short
the previous union leadership were turned into union bureaucrats without any powers to vote or implement decisions at the same time giving such powers to new comers who did not go through that rank and file activism
of Reflections.
Some remaining elements of the old leadership ousted by congress in 2004 successfully managed to take advantage of the situation and get the sympathy of the new leaders to purge out all progressive leaders from the union using their executive powers. High on target was the union Secretary General whom they crafted false allegations of serious misuse of funds and subsequently reported him to the police who, after investigations, found him not guilty. However they proceeded to unilaterally, without the mandate from the national council, fire him. But the GS as ordered and mandated by the national council members of three regions and the general membership refused to honor the expulsion and kept on reporting for work. Now they are seeking a peace order to stop him from reporting to office.
Late December last year the Harare region members called for a meeting where they had elections on the vacant positions in the National Council and mandated the Secretary general to move to all other regions and have similar elections aiming to hold an extra-ordinary congress early this year to immediately stop the regrouping of old right wing elements of the union now causing chaos. So far Harare has had its fine full council that has since petitioned the President of the union and his crew. It’s a very sad situation in the union now especially that it was a union which rebuilt out of struggles and had all the support from its members .
As we go to press the Secretary General is on a country wide campaign covering all regions preparing for an extra ordinary
congress.
Viva vashandi .
M Sambo
council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering .They managed to transform the entire industry wiwthin a short space , lifting wages from the least paid to the top paying industries in the country. In a space of only two years they organized two very successful industry wide strikes with the full backing of workers.
Squables began after their last strike, which left most union activists and most national council members victimised leading the strike ..That was a very unfortunate situation because could not be active anymore on the shopfloor ..To cover up for the vacuum the union had to create some extra executive posts and full time office positions to keep the expelled comrades whose experience the union could not afford to loose whilst co-opting other activists into positions. In short
the previous union leadership were turned into union bureaucrats without any powers to vote or implement decisions at the same time giving such powers to new comers who did not go through that rank and file activism
of Reflections.
Some remaining elements of the old leadership ousted by congress in 2004 successfully managed to take advantage of the situation and get the sympathy of the new leaders to purge out all progressive leaders from the union using their executive powers. High on target was the union Secretary General whom they crafted false allegations of serious misuse of funds and subsequently reported him to the police who, after investigations, found him not guilty. However they proceeded to unilaterally, without the mandate from the national council, fire him. But the GS as ordered and mandated by the national council members of three regions and the general membership refused to honor the expulsion and kept on reporting for work. Now they are seeking a peace order to stop him from reporting to office.
Late December last year the Harare region members called for a meeting where they had elections on the vacant positions in the National Council and mandated the Secretary general to move to all other regions and have similar elections aiming to hold an extra-ordinary congress early this year to immediately stop the regrouping of old right wing elements of the union now causing chaos. So far Harare has had its fine full council that has since petitioned the President of the union and his crew. It’s a very sad situation in the union now especially that it was a union which rebuilt out of struggles and had all the support from its members .
As we go to press the Secretary General is on a country wide campaign covering all regions preparing for an extra ordinary
congress.
Viva vashandi .
M Sambo
Wednesday, January 24, 2007
Mugabe Extends Dictatorship to 2010 as bosses declare war on the poor - Jambanja only way forward!!
At its December Conference, the Zanu PF regime,
resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in
2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise
them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to
cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six
months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly
senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected
Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term.
What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened
to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement
led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society
and the labour movement. As late as November the
Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced
that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due
and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or
the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that
Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for
the coming presidential elections! In view of such
cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic
situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the
regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it
launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual
war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle
classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal
economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try
and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship
and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the
poor and majority of this country. It started with
Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary
Policy announcing the removal of price controls and
all subsidies on goods and services offered by the
government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on
their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased
water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst
local councils across the country have massively hiked
rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed
school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1
280%!
On its part business has imposed savage
unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services,
farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has
trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The
Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an
average working class family, yet workers on average earn
not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses
are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients
with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have
been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers,
nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given
a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was
reported amongst the top three performers across Africa
in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as
they give workers peanuts.
But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and
have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The
opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in
order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social
movements under accountable and recallable leadership
must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship
and anti-imperialist programme to push
forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides
a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in
unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell –out
leaders and replace them with militants and push for action,
strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations
against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand
with the social movements. We must seek to build regional
and international solidarity from other movements of the
poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash
Capitalism!
resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in
2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise
them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to
cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six
months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly
senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected
Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term.
What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened
to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement
led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society
and the labour movement. As late as November the
Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced
that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due
and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or
the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that
Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for
the coming presidential elections! In view of such
cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic
situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the
regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it
launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual
war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle
classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal
economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try
and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship
and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the
poor and majority of this country. It started with
Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary
Policy announcing the removal of price controls and
all subsidies on goods and services offered by the
government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on
their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased
water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst
local councils across the country have massively hiked
rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed
school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1
280%!
On its part business has imposed savage
unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services,
farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has
trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The
Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an
average working class family, yet workers on average earn
not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses
are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients
with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have
been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers,
nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given
a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was
reported amongst the top three performers across Africa
in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as
they give workers peanuts.
But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and
have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The
opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in
order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social
movements under accountable and recallable leadership
must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship
and anti-imperialist programme to push
forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides
a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in
unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell –out
leaders and replace them with militants and push for action,
strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations
against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand
with the social movements. We must seek to build regional
and international solidarity from other movements of the
poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash
Capitalism!
Fight Erupts in Printing Union
Serious internal squabbles have erupted in the Printing union. One faction is led by old Reflections members (a rank and file group of workers which successfully mobilized and took over the union from the old corrupt ZGWU leadership. .The other side is a mixture of old ZGWU supporters, some who contested the 2004 Congress and lost and a few currently in the national council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering. T
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering. T
Social Forum: Another World is Possible
The rallying slogan of the World Social Forum WSF of another world is possible .This slogan expresses the yearning of the vast majority of society of for a different society from that of today. A society where three multinational capitalists
like Bill Gates have more wealth than three billion people, where the IMF, World bank and WTO demanded that the last dollars of poor countries be used to pay off debts accrued by local elites when hospitals are collapsing and millions are
hungry, a society where tens of thousands are killed in Iraq, Lebanon, DRC and Somalia, so that the oil and mining barons can make more dollars. A society where RBZ governor G Gono splashes trillions on a Mercedes Benz whilst three thousand people die weekly of AIDS because of lack of ARVs . In short the demands of this country’s and world’s people are for an alternative to the barbarism of the system of capitalism and imperialism. This is what motivated the formation of the WSF in Brazil in 2001 and the Zimbabwe Social Forum in 2003 .To create an open space for working people, the poor , the oppressed and exploited to discuss and strategize on how to link up our struggles and liberate ourselves , just as the capitalists and the governments, annually meet at the World Economic Forum in Davos and other national, regional and international forums.
Along with the WSF the ZSF has grown .This year the WSF meets for the first time in Africa in January .Locally, whereas in 2003 less than three hundred people attended our first event in Harare in 2004 we hosted the Southern Africa Social Forum attended by three thousand people and in 2006 they were regional social forums in Chitungiza, Mutare and Bulawayo . In 2005 we started on the road to becoming a living social forum of struggle, with the ZSF massively supporting the ZCTU called anti poverty demonstration on 8 November.
Challenges and way forward
However , the Social Forum process faces many challenges .The most urgent challenge is the transformation of the process into a truly living Forum facilitating the struggles of working people locally and internationally against dictatorship,
neoliberalism , imperialism and capitalism in general .We recommended a few ideas on the way forward • Adoption of campaigns : Some have referred to the Social Forum process as a trade fare of politics ideas ;indeed they are leading elements in the Social Forum process who would like to keep it like that as a safety valve or talk shop for working
people to vend out the anger every now and then ,but leaving the structures exploitation , oppression and violence of global capitalism intact .These elements dominate amongst many of the middle class dominated NGOs and reformists parties like the Brazilian workers party which initiated the social Forum process and still controls it up to date with
PT ‘ S LULA , once in power become a darling of the IMF and multinationals. Our actions must go beyond protests and marches but decisively general strikes that hurt the system where it hurts the most –the process of production and source of profits. The global proletariat must thas become a key part of the Social Forum process.
At the Nairobi WSF concrete resolutions on the regional and international actions shoulkd be adopted , whilst locally the ZSF should come up with a few well selected agreed campaigns and actions , which all clusters and organizations will mobilize for and support.
• Build a democratic , accountable and non commodified Social Forum .Today the Social Forum process locally continentally and internationally , is disproportionally and undemocratically controlled by NGOs and other elites at the exclusion of grass roots movements , activists and revolutionary left .The WSF charter prohibits voting and election insisting on consensus , whilst political parties are excluded .This leaves the administrative and political leadership structures of the Social Forum process controlled by un elected and un accountable self appointed middle class elites from the NGOs of their allies .Many of these become specialists in plane – hotel activism and spicing meetings with rented crowds from the poor .We call for a complete overhaul of the Social Forum structures so that leaders are elected and recallable , whilst decisions are made democratically , which means elections and voting where consensus fails .Representation at regional , continental and international structures must represent the different segments of the Social Forum process including thematic , regional and national constituencies with due and elected mandate for their constituencies. The ban on political
organizations and parties must go as they already participate but in disguise.
* Decentralise: The Social Forum process must go down right to the grass roots. If the campaigns , demonstrations and general strikes are to be successful , mobilization has to start right at the grass roots in urban , industrial and rural areas
* Unconditional open space: The demands of the SF process confine it within an ideological straightjacket. It is not for fat cats, bosses, multinationals or bourgeois politicians. Indeed most of these accept this but the agenda is non the less carried out in the Social Forum process by various of their agents and friends especially amongst the middle class run and
bourgeoisie funded NGOs or right wing lobour officials. This requires extensive educational and cultural teach ins and programmes amongst participants in the SF process to understand that its goals can only be achieved by a movement which is
agains neoliberalism , imperialism , dictatorship , multinationals – indeed against capitalism. And only but a fighting and living SF rooted in the struggles of working people and not in talk shop jamborees dominated by agents and friends of the rich and powerful. Contrary to the reformists and bourgeois NGOs they try and trick the masses saying “ there is
one bug no but many yes” – we argue that the only alternative to capitalism is the overthrow of national bourgeois states and private property internationally and bring the world’s wealth and resources under the democratic control of the working people of the world whereby production will not be for profits of the few but for the human need –that world can only be communism.
Finally , despite the above weaknesses of the SF process , it offers a very important platform , locally and internationally , bringing together many of those who are being radicalized by the failure of neo-liberal globalization and capitalism and its violent wars and who have not traditionally participated in socialist politics. It is with such strata that the revolutionary left will have to build relationships with, if it is to rise to its fundamental challenge of building a truly global mass revolutionary movement of working people that can take over global capitalism and build a new society.
by M Gwisai
like Bill Gates have more wealth than three billion people, where the IMF, World bank and WTO demanded that the last dollars of poor countries be used to pay off debts accrued by local elites when hospitals are collapsing and millions are
hungry, a society where tens of thousands are killed in Iraq, Lebanon, DRC and Somalia, so that the oil and mining barons can make more dollars. A society where RBZ governor G Gono splashes trillions on a Mercedes Benz whilst three thousand people die weekly of AIDS because of lack of ARVs . In short the demands of this country’s and world’s people are for an alternative to the barbarism of the system of capitalism and imperialism. This is what motivated the formation of the WSF in Brazil in 2001 and the Zimbabwe Social Forum in 2003 .To create an open space for working people, the poor , the oppressed and exploited to discuss and strategize on how to link up our struggles and liberate ourselves , just as the capitalists and the governments, annually meet at the World Economic Forum in Davos and other national, regional and international forums.
Along with the WSF the ZSF has grown .This year the WSF meets for the first time in Africa in January .Locally, whereas in 2003 less than three hundred people attended our first event in Harare in 2004 we hosted the Southern Africa Social Forum attended by three thousand people and in 2006 they were regional social forums in Chitungiza, Mutare and Bulawayo . In 2005 we started on the road to becoming a living social forum of struggle, with the ZSF massively supporting the ZCTU called anti poverty demonstration on 8 November.
Challenges and way forward
However , the Social Forum process faces many challenges .The most urgent challenge is the transformation of the process into a truly living Forum facilitating the struggles of working people locally and internationally against dictatorship,
neoliberalism , imperialism and capitalism in general .We recommended a few ideas on the way forward • Adoption of campaigns : Some have referred to the Social Forum process as a trade fare of politics ideas ;indeed they are leading elements in the Social Forum process who would like to keep it like that as a safety valve or talk shop for working
people to vend out the anger every now and then ,but leaving the structures exploitation , oppression and violence of global capitalism intact .These elements dominate amongst many of the middle class dominated NGOs and reformists parties like the Brazilian workers party which initiated the social Forum process and still controls it up to date with
PT ‘ S LULA , once in power become a darling of the IMF and multinationals. Our actions must go beyond protests and marches but decisively general strikes that hurt the system where it hurts the most –the process of production and source of profits. The global proletariat must thas become a key part of the Social Forum process.
At the Nairobi WSF concrete resolutions on the regional and international actions shoulkd be adopted , whilst locally the ZSF should come up with a few well selected agreed campaigns and actions , which all clusters and organizations will mobilize for and support.
• Build a democratic , accountable and non commodified Social Forum .Today the Social Forum process locally continentally and internationally , is disproportionally and undemocratically controlled by NGOs and other elites at the exclusion of grass roots movements , activists and revolutionary left .The WSF charter prohibits voting and election insisting on consensus , whilst political parties are excluded .This leaves the administrative and political leadership structures of the Social Forum process controlled by un elected and un accountable self appointed middle class elites from the NGOs of their allies .Many of these become specialists in plane – hotel activism and spicing meetings with rented crowds from the poor .We call for a complete overhaul of the Social Forum structures so that leaders are elected and recallable , whilst decisions are made democratically , which means elections and voting where consensus fails .Representation at regional , continental and international structures must represent the different segments of the Social Forum process including thematic , regional and national constituencies with due and elected mandate for their constituencies. The ban on political
organizations and parties must go as they already participate but in disguise.
* Decentralise: The Social Forum process must go down right to the grass roots. If the campaigns , demonstrations and general strikes are to be successful , mobilization has to start right at the grass roots in urban , industrial and rural areas
* Unconditional open space: The demands of the SF process confine it within an ideological straightjacket. It is not for fat cats, bosses, multinationals or bourgeois politicians. Indeed most of these accept this but the agenda is non the less carried out in the Social Forum process by various of their agents and friends especially amongst the middle class run and
bourgeoisie funded NGOs or right wing lobour officials. This requires extensive educational and cultural teach ins and programmes amongst participants in the SF process to understand that its goals can only be achieved by a movement which is
agains neoliberalism , imperialism , dictatorship , multinationals – indeed against capitalism. And only but a fighting and living SF rooted in the struggles of working people and not in talk shop jamborees dominated by agents and friends of the rich and powerful. Contrary to the reformists and bourgeois NGOs they try and trick the masses saying “ there is
one bug no but many yes” – we argue that the only alternative to capitalism is the overthrow of national bourgeois states and private property internationally and bring the world’s wealth and resources under the democratic control of the working people of the world whereby production will not be for profits of the few but for the human need –that world can only be communism.
Finally , despite the above weaknesses of the SF process , it offers a very important platform , locally and internationally , bringing together many of those who are being radicalized by the failure of neo-liberal globalization and capitalism and its violent wars and who have not traditionally participated in socialist politics. It is with such strata that the revolutionary left will have to build relationships with, if it is to rise to its fundamental challenge of building a truly global mass revolutionary movement of working people that can take over global capitalism and build a new society.
by M Gwisai
Perspective of the Global anti capitalist movement
AS we gather for the WSF in Nairobi, we need to look at where the global anti-capitalist movement is going. To do so, we need to look at the experiences of some countries.
Brazil: A mass movement sees in Lula of the Workers Party (PT). His first reforms ended workers social pensions. Yet when in opposition PT opposed pension reform. Heloisa Helen (a PT senator) opposed the scrapping of pensions and was expelled. Hundreds of PT activists resigned from PT in protest and formed the Party of Socialism and Liberty (PSOL). 2 years later a corruption scandal involving leading PT members saw thousands more PT activists and MPs defect to PSOL. Helen stood for President last year (2006). While she lost the first round of voting, she gained 12% of the vote and forced run-off elections. Lula continues with neo-liberal attacks.
Argentina: An economic collapse in 2001 led to a mass uprising in December. Ordinary people took over the streets of the capital Buenos Aires. In 14 days they forced out 4 Presidents. Popular assemblies were formed to help people survive the crisis – they focused on food distribution and what resources could be forced from the state. The level of organization made many on the left believe there was no need for
political organisation. Once stability had been reestablished, the popular assemblies ceased existing. Political bureaucrats who ran the 2 main trade union federations endorsed the 5th president after a month of uprising. Using state resources they gave unemployment benefits to weaken the movement. Today the centre-left president Nestor Kuchner maintains the neo-liberal policies of his predecessors.
Mexico: After the fraudulent Presidential elections in July last year, a province in Mexico came near to a state of insurrection. Teachers in a union branch went on strike for wage rises, new text-books and classrooms. The strike spread. Mass demos of 800,000 took place. The provincial governor responded with teargas. Demonstrators responded by blocking roads and occupying shopping centres. The state responded by hinting that the military may be called in. The losing opposition candidate eventually asks the protesters to call off their action saying that alternative action is being planned. To date nothing has happened.
Bolivia: In October 2003 came news that the government was to privatise newly discovered reserves of gas. Sporadic demos against this decision erupted into mass strikes and demos demanding the
nationalisation of the gas to alleviate poverty. President Lozada fled leading to an uneasy stability. After social peace appeared to set in, Lozada’s deputy, Mesa, continued with the programme and neo-liberalism. The law that was drawn up to privatise the gas reserves ignited the June 2005 rebellion that saw dynamite thrown at police by strikers. The country was shut down, roads were closed, the government was sacked. Morales secretly intervened by engaging in negotiations to form an interim government. The movement suddenly ended. Strikers returned to work, demos were called off. The movement paralysed the corridors of power but (1) posed no alternative and (2) failed to plan and organise to feed its own supporters. After 3 weeks of struggle and food shortages, people were tired.
Venezuela: The mirror of mass struggles globally. The struggle there has led to a split in the main trade union federation. There are those who see the government of Chaves as the answer. Then there are those who see the ordinary people them selves as the answer - and who argue that Chaves has not lead people to taking over factories, mines and shops.
The Way Forward
There are 2 different components to the struggle of the left. The one is centred around intellectuals and middle class layers (including some army officers) who identify with populist movements in townships and slums. They see nationalist or state capitalist development as the way forward. But it leads them to look at the popular movement as something they should dominate. The other is a popular insurgency against neoliberal policies on workers, peasants, urban poor and indigenous peoples.
Neither route of nationalism or state capitalism is the answer. Regimes from Chile to pre-1994 South Africa, Britain, Cambodia and Russia have tried them. It was only the members of the classes that dominated society or those who led movements that benefitted. The struggle for a new society must be in the hands of ordinary people.
by Rosa Zulu
Brazil: A mass movement sees in Lula of the Workers Party (PT). His first reforms ended workers social pensions. Yet when in opposition PT opposed pension reform. Heloisa Helen (a PT senator) opposed the scrapping of pensions and was expelled. Hundreds of PT activists resigned from PT in protest and formed the Party of Socialism and Liberty (PSOL). 2 years later a corruption scandal involving leading PT members saw thousands more PT activists and MPs defect to PSOL. Helen stood for President last year (2006). While she lost the first round of voting, she gained 12% of the vote and forced run-off elections. Lula continues with neo-liberal attacks.
Argentina: An economic collapse in 2001 led to a mass uprising in December. Ordinary people took over the streets of the capital Buenos Aires. In 14 days they forced out 4 Presidents. Popular assemblies were formed to help people survive the crisis – they focused on food distribution and what resources could be forced from the state. The level of organization made many on the left believe there was no need for
political organisation. Once stability had been reestablished, the popular assemblies ceased existing. Political bureaucrats who ran the 2 main trade union federations endorsed the 5th president after a month of uprising. Using state resources they gave unemployment benefits to weaken the movement. Today the centre-left president Nestor Kuchner maintains the neo-liberal policies of his predecessors.
Mexico: After the fraudulent Presidential elections in July last year, a province in Mexico came near to a state of insurrection. Teachers in a union branch went on strike for wage rises, new text-books and classrooms. The strike spread. Mass demos of 800,000 took place. The provincial governor responded with teargas. Demonstrators responded by blocking roads and occupying shopping centres. The state responded by hinting that the military may be called in. The losing opposition candidate eventually asks the protesters to call off their action saying that alternative action is being planned. To date nothing has happened.
Bolivia: In October 2003 came news that the government was to privatise newly discovered reserves of gas. Sporadic demos against this decision erupted into mass strikes and demos demanding the
nationalisation of the gas to alleviate poverty. President Lozada fled leading to an uneasy stability. After social peace appeared to set in, Lozada’s deputy, Mesa, continued with the programme and neo-liberalism. The law that was drawn up to privatise the gas reserves ignited the June 2005 rebellion that saw dynamite thrown at police by strikers. The country was shut down, roads were closed, the government was sacked. Morales secretly intervened by engaging in negotiations to form an interim government. The movement suddenly ended. Strikers returned to work, demos were called off. The movement paralysed the corridors of power but (1) posed no alternative and (2) failed to plan and organise to feed its own supporters. After 3 weeks of struggle and food shortages, people were tired.
Venezuela: The mirror of mass struggles globally. The struggle there has led to a split in the main trade union federation. There are those who see the government of Chaves as the answer. Then there are those who see the ordinary people them selves as the answer - and who argue that Chaves has not lead people to taking over factories, mines and shops.
The Way Forward
There are 2 different components to the struggle of the left. The one is centred around intellectuals and middle class layers (including some army officers) who identify with populist movements in townships and slums. They see nationalist or state capitalist development as the way forward. But it leads them to look at the popular movement as something they should dominate. The other is a popular insurgency against neoliberal policies on workers, peasants, urban poor and indigenous peoples.
Neither route of nationalism or state capitalism is the answer. Regimes from Chile to pre-1994 South Africa, Britain, Cambodia and Russia have tried them. It was only the members of the classes that dominated society or those who led movements that benefitted. The struggle for a new society must be in the hands of ordinary people.
by Rosa Zulu
Ethiopia, Kenya, US invade and bomb Somalia
Last month the Ethiopian military invaded Somalia. Hours after marching into the capital Mogadishu, US AC-130 “Spectre” Gunship war aircraft bombed villages in eastern and southern Somalia killing over 100 civilians – several of them fouryear
old children. The US military then announced it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and Washington regimes claimed for doing so was to stabilise the country and make it safe as part of the war on terror. Nothing could be further from the truth. The back-ground to the invasion is the takeover of almost all of Somalia by militias of the United Islamic Courts (UIC) last year. The militias drove out western backed warlords who had
dominated Somali politics for the last 15 years.
The militias victory was based on genuine popular support. Weary of the violence and brutality of the warlords, many ordinary Somalis supported the UIC. In addition several key leaders of Somalia’s clans were prepared to back the UIC in order to stabilise the country. The Bush regime had been growing closer to the warlords who were prepared to act as Bush’s agents in his “war on terror”. These warlords had a bloody record who also bitterly divided Somalia.
All this was forgotten by Bush because they would boost US military presence in the region – just across the Gulf of Aden lies the Middle East.
The UIC takeover and success was a blow to US plans for the region. The takeover was also a defeat of the Somali “transitional” government that had been formed in 2004 in Kenya. The “government” existed in name rather than fact.
As even Britain’s state owned BBC stated “President Yusuf’s administration made up of former warlords, often struggled to control its own members…Its forst 18 months…were spent squabbling over where to set up its base, eventually settling for the town of Baidoa”
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.Ordinary people’s interests have been trampled beneath the US’s desire to ramp its control of the Horn of Africa. Instead of dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.
old children. The US military then announced it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and Washington regimes claimed for doing so was to stabilise the country and make it safe as part of the war on terror. Nothing could be further from the truth. The back-ground to the invasion is the takeover of almost all of Somalia by militias of the United Islamic Courts (UIC) last year. The militias drove out western backed warlords who had
dominated Somali politics for the last 15 years.
The militias victory was based on genuine popular support. Weary of the violence and brutality of the warlords, many ordinary Somalis supported the UIC. In addition several key leaders of Somalia’s clans were prepared to back the UIC in order to stabilise the country. The Bush regime had been growing closer to the warlords who were prepared to act as Bush’s agents in his “war on terror”. These warlords had a bloody record who also bitterly divided Somalia.
All this was forgotten by Bush because they would boost US military presence in the region – just across the Gulf of Aden lies the Middle East.
The UIC takeover and success was a blow to US plans for the region. The takeover was also a defeat of the Somali “transitional” government that had been formed in 2004 in Kenya. The “government” existed in name rather than fact.
As even Britain’s state owned BBC stated “President Yusuf’s administration made up of former warlords, often struggled to control its own members…Its forst 18 months…were spent squabbling over where to set up its base, eventually settling for the town of Baidoa”
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.Ordinary people’s interests have been trampled beneath the US’s desire to ramp its control of the Horn of Africa. Instead of dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.
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