International Socialist Organisation (ISO) Zimbabwe

Saturday, March 12, 2011

Treason charges poured on Gwisai and activists

AT LEAST FORTY FIVE opposition activists led by socialist protagonist Munyaradzi Gwisai were slapped with treason charges Wednesday as their lawyer complained that he was being denied access to his clients.
The group will spend a fifth night in jail on allegations they attended a dedicated lecture about the mass uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt.
At a hearing late Wednesday, Harare magistrate Munamato Mutevedzi rescheduled the detainees to reappear Thursday.
Treason in Zimbabwe carries a possible death sentence.
Gwisai is also the Zimbabwe chief representative for the International Socialist Organisation.

The list of ISO activists arrested for plotting an ‘Egypt’ include:

1 Munyaradzi Gwisai (46)
Zimbabwe Labour Center
2 Antonater Choto
Zimbabwe Labour Center
3 Tatenda Mombeyarara
Zimbabwe Labour Center
4 Michael Sozinyu
Medical Professionals and Allied Workers Union
5 Edson Chakuma
United food and Allied Workers Union
6 Hopewell Gumbo
Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development
7 Welcome Zimuto
3rd Year student, Chinhoyi University
8 Philip Magaya
Unemployed
9 Prolific Simbarashe Mataruse
Unemployed
10 Godknows Biya
Zimphos
11 David Mupatse
Unemployed
12 Douglas Muzanenhamo
Unemployed
13 Reki Jimu (40)
Chitungwiza Central Hospital
14 Ganizani Nunu (41)
Unemployed
15 Josphat Chinembiri Terenyika (44)
Unemployed
16 Strutton Nyaya Muhambi (42)
Unemployed
17 Trevor Chamba (21)
Unemployed
18 Clarence Mugari (39)
Zimbabwe Graphical Workers Union
19 Munyaradzi Maregedze (35)
MARS
20 Willie Tinashe Hlatswayo (25)
4th year Student, UZ
21 Ian Muteto (23)
2nd years Student, Bindura University
22 Tinashe Mutazu (24)
Unemployed
23 Pride Evidence Mukono (age not given)
2nd year Student, UZ
24 Lenard Kamwendo (30)
Kubatana Trust
25 Tinashe Chisaira (24)
Zimbabwe Labour Center
26 Trust Munyama (25)
4th year Student, Harare Poly
27 Peter Garanewako (22)
Unemployed
28 Elizaberth Chipo Makume (53)
Unemployed
29 Megline Malunga (47)
Unemployed
30 Daison Bango (29)
Unemployed
31 Malvern Hobwana (24)
Unemployed
32 Tashinga Mudzengi (24)
Org not given
33 Ednar Chabalika (24)
Unemployed
34 Thokozile Mathe (34)
Unemployed
35 Francesca Thomson (41)
Unemployed
36 Masline Zvomuya (23)
Crossroads House
37 Nhamo Kute (36)
Unemployed
38 Annie Chipeta (42)
Unemployed
39 Tabeth Chideya (63)
Unemployed
40 Charles Mbwandarikwa (42)
Mutasa Pri School, Highfields
41 Thomas Chibaya (31)
CPL PVT (LTD)
42 Fatima Manhando (50)
Unemployed
43 Blessing Muguzaya (33)
Unemployed
44 Robert Muhlaba (54)
Seke Teacher’s College
45 Tinashe Muzambi (22)
Unemployed
The ACTIVISTS – who include students, trade unionists and political activists – were arrested when they gathered in Harare to watch Al Jazeera and BBC news reports on the uprisings that brought down autocrats in Tunisia and Egypt.
Police accused them of participating in an illegal political meeting where they watched videos “as a way of motivating them to subvert a constitutionally elected government.”
The evidence seized by the police included a video projector, two DVD discs and a laptop.
“The illegal meeting’s agenda, police said, was ‘Revolt in Egypt and Tunisia: What lessons can be learnt by Zimbabwe and Africa?’
Police found the topic incriminating, but many Zimbabweans have been asking themselves that very question as democratic revolutions have swept Arab nations.
Mugabe, who turned 87 on Monday, and his Zanu PF party ruled Zimbabwe single-handedly from 1980 until 2009, when regional leaders pressured him into forming a power-sharing government with his opposition rivals.
Gwisai, a socialist and iconoclast whose wife said he was expelled from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change in 2002 for supporting an aggressive land reform programme at a time when Zanu PF was encouraging violent seizures of white-owned commercial farms, has like many of his countrymen been watching the unrest in Arab nations.
His wife, Shantha Bloemen, who works for the United Nations in Johannesburg, said: “Obviously, all the happenings in Egypt And Tunisia have been taking center stage. The meeting was an opportunity to discuss what’s happened, especially for people who don’t have access to the internet or cable TV, both to express solidarity and to discuss the implications for Zimbabwe.”
Said lawyer Muchadehama: “This is a message that ‘If you attempt anything, we’re going to arrest you, assault you, incarcerate you, lay false charges against you, deny you bail, and occupy you with false trials. ... Read more at www.freethemnow.com

Thursday, January 27, 2011

Marxism 2010 uncover emergent force of Marxist ideas in Zimbabwe

On Saturday December 11, 2010, the International Socialist Organisation in Zimbabwe held its one day annual Marxism event which was a truly remarkable congress, characterized by awesome energy, enthusiasm, and confidence united with an exceptionally high level of political discussion and debate. Above all, there was a firm willpower to rebuild the ISO in the coming time. It was also quite fascinating in the sense that it was held in the shadow of a split that separated opportunists from real revolutionaries a year and half ago .
The venue for the Marxism conference was our national office.
Sensibly, Marxism 2010 was held under the theme DEFENDING THE REAL MARXIST TRADITIONS AND THE FIGHT FOR SOCIALISM IN THE 21st CENTURY. The conference enthused a whole new layer of young revolutionaries who are committed to defending Marxist ideas as the only answer to the crisis of capitalism. Over 70 young workers, students, and trade unionists gathered to discuss the effects of the capitalist crisis and how to mobilize resistance to the bosses’ neoliberal attacks on the working class.

For the second time in the conference’s history, we had comrades from the redundant Left Wing who stayed the whole afternoon enjoying the discussions.
The conference opened with ISO National Treasurer Comrade Mike Sambo and Socialist Worker Editor comrade Lenin core-speaking on the Real Marxist Traditions .They both gave succinct presentations on what are the real Marxist traditions as opposed to other innumerable divergent and conflicting "Marxisms" proliferated by other individuals and coalitions.
Two separate sessions on building the party followed. The one on “role of workers and trade unions in a revolutionary party” was presented by three comrades , comrade Simukai ( National ISO librarian) ,comrade J Chirenje -President for the Medical professional and Allied Workers Union (MPAWUZ) and ISO member ) and comrade Khumalo president for Zimbabwe Graphical Workers Union (ZGWU) and ISO member in Bulawayo. They all gave glowing presentations on the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat and why workers have to be on the forefront of revolution. The other separate session on “the role of students in a revolutionary party” was led by former Zimbabwe National students Union president and also former ISO national coordinator (Msavhaya) co-presenting with ISO UZ branch member Katsuro .This session attracted most of the young comrades mainly from universities and colleges .
In the afternoon there was a plenary debate on the Global economic crisis and working class responses which was led by comrade Gwisai. Comrade Gwisai spoke on World Perspectives citing revolutionary movements that erupted in Iran, Nepal, Thailand etc ; and the case of Iceland going bankrupt; and the eruption of the working class in Greece in response to austerity cuts being demanded by the European capitalists. This all having happened in a very short space of time the comrade pointed out that this shows how unbalanced the world situation currently is, and how the progressive aspects of capitalism have become history. He said no one corner of the world is immune from the nastiest affects of the capitalist crisis; even the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe are on the point of default and their workers up in arms. The comrade pointed out it is not the actual crisis that is going to have the greatest effect on workers, but the “recovery” from it as workers will be forced to pay for the bosses` mess. That is then the role of Marxists to mobilise the working class to reject.
Other very interesting topics like “Women and the fight for Socialism” and “ Is there socialism in Cuba”, China and Venezuela” were also discussed in the afternoon .
The closing rally was a powerful one where comrade Taffy led a discussion on the current state of politics in Zimbabwe, the constitutional reform process and the view of socialists on elections .She discussed weaknesses of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which gave birth to the current coalition government which has failed workers by all standards.
Participants also expressed how hopeful they were with the GPA and how much they feel forsaken now as it all turns out to be just unity of the elites to protect their common interests. People under no uncertain terms expressed disillusionment with any elections as it has come out clear that an entrenched dictatorship like the one in Zimbabwe can never be removed by elections .
There was so much interest in the debate on elections as Mugabe has already pointed that he wants elections mid 2011. The question being , are people ready for elections or not?
The conference ended with a passionate and cheerful singing of the Internationale. All young comrades present left the conference fully convinced that the capitalists and the reformists can only offer workers more attacks and our solution is to take control of the productive forces for our gain. Most interestingly, although the vast majority of participants were youth, who are still in colleges, the unemployed and very low income workers , the comrades demonstrated their commitment and devotion by buying some ISO T- Shirts which were being sold for $5 each .That allowed us to raise over $100 that helped us meet some conference expenses .
We are still confident that in the period coming ISO will be able to reach out to new workers and young people with ideas that can bring down this dragon called capitalism .
Shinga Mushandi Shinga
M Sambo ( For National Coordinating Committee)

Tuesday, November 30, 2010

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS IN ZIMBABWE - A LONG WALK TO FREEDOM!

Several significant events on the political and constitutional framework of the country have occurred in recent months. Firstly have been the controversies surrounding the Constitutional Parliamentary Committee (COPAC) outreach exercise carried out from June 2010 to date. Secondly is the crisis in the Government of National Unity (GNU) following various unilateral state executive appointments by President Robert Gabriel Mugabe.

Political Crisis in Zimbabwe
The GNU is facing its biggest crisis since its inception, following the unilateral re-appointment of provincial governors and Ambassadors by Mugabe. This has been one of the main outstanding issues of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which was supposed to be resolved by SADC and the AU, the guarantors of the GPA. The prime minister and MDC-T president Morgan Tsvangirai responded by declaring that he and his party did not recognize not only such appointments but others that Mugabe had unilaterally done in the last 18 months, including appointments of the Reserve Bank Governor; Attorney General; five High Court and Supreme Court Judges and several ambassadors to the UN, Europe and SA. He has since written to these various authorities formally informing them of his position. Mugabe and the state media have ridiculed Tsvangirai, with Mugabe saying this is why it was now mandatory to have elections by mid- 2011 and do away with the GNU that has become to him an unbearable hindrance.
The growing arrogance of Mugabe and ZANU-PF and the crisis facing the GNU is not surprising and we had predicted right from the inception of the GPA in September 2008:
“… (The MDC – T leaders’) primary preoccupation is towards reaching a sell out agreement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people … the opposition is dominated by the petite bourgeois elite, who long ago prostrated themselves before western neo-liberal forces and are now eager to get into state power, even as junior partners, and accumulate as a neo-colonial dependent capitalist class...”
“On the other hand Tsvangirai, supported by a duplicitous and largely cowardly civic society, actively undermined any attempt at serious mass action solely relying on western sanctions. Not surprising they have been forced into a deal which gives a desperate dictatorship breathing space to renew itself, whilst laying the foundations for massive long term assaults on the living conditions of working people. Make no mistake, despite the above concessions; MDC is the definite junior in this deal with very unclear chances of success whilst the future of the deal itself is very uncertain...
“…Thirdly, unlike the Patriotic Front, MDC has no real fallback position if the deal collapses. Its only guarantor is a mediator who has now been ousted. Having consistently neutralized the mass action route, MDC has solely relied on the western sanctions. But MDC is not in full control of this. Locked in a hotel room and virtually coerced by Mbeki and Mugabe to sign there and then or risk immediate collapse of the negotiations, Tsvangirai seems to have signed a deal that does not meet the full approval of his western allies...
“With economic siege continuing, especially in an environment of global economic crisis, the deal looks very fragile and may unravel sooner rather than later. Popular acceptance of such an expensive and over bloated coalition government, proportionately the biggest in the world in a country with the world’s highest inflation, is likely to wane rapidly if the promised economic recovery fails to take place, with the draft national constitution a possible flash point. At such stage Mugabe’s continued control of the security apparatus, the state and treasury will be decisive and the opposition’s nakedness and foolishness in signing such deal exposed.”
Socialist Worker (Z), January 2009
The above prediction has indeed come to pass. The GNU saved the Zanu PF dictatorship from an impending social, economic and political implosion as foreshadowed by collapsing public utilities and rioting junior soldiers. The hyper-inflation dragon was tamed and Zimbabwe’s international isolation largely removed. Tsvangirai himself went the world over, as recent as September 2010 in an interview with South African E-News, preaching about how Mugabe had reformed, was a well-meaning statesman worried about his legacy and so forth. He has now turned and is bleating a different song!
We now in fact seem to be reaching the point predicted when Mugabe, no longer needing the GNU would flex his muscles and wee on the GNU. With a fairly stabilized economy, and Tsvangirai having de-mobilized and confused his supporters, the hardliners in the Mugabe regime are now again on the ascendancy and clearly on the offensive, using the constitutional question as the launch-pad. Mugabe has now called for elections saying the GNU has become intolerable for him and his Zanu PF. Prime Minister Tsvangirai has also told his supporters to prepare for elections in 2011, although he is insisting that these will be under a new constitution. Although Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara has said this is grandstanding, events in the last few weeks show that the momentum for elections might be gathering its own pace and with increasing possibility could in fact happen.
Why Elections in 2011
Why is Mugabe pushing for elections when he lost in March 2008 and when recent polls show the MDC-T winning with 32% and Mugabe at 18%? It would seem following the COPAC outreach exercise, the hardliners in Zanu PF have become convinced that the system they put in place with devastating effect in June 2008 is still intact and that threats of return to such violence could land them victory. Moreover, they calculate the impact of the protest vote for the opposition arising from the massive economic crisis of 2008 has gone down whilst MDC-T seems to be focusing on their factional fighting.
The recent events show that Mugabe and Zanu PF have no desire to leave power soon or peacefully. The discovery of diamonds, the growth in agriculture and the economic indigenisation programme will require an appropriate enabling political framework that can only be provided by untrammeled Zanu PF control of the state. Even though Zanu PF is talking about peaceful campaign next year’s elections are likely to be characterized by state orchestrated violence, intimidation and the manipulation of the results to ensure a Mugabe victory.
What this means is that the struggle for democratization in Zimbabwe is far from being won. What is now required is a united force of all progressive forces to build independently and renew both political and economical struggles against the Zanu PF dictatorship as well as the neoliberal capitalist agenda of the ruling class in Zimbabwe. This movement must also not have any illusions in the MDC-T or MDC-M, whose leaders have shown themselves not only to be greedy self-interested and cowardly junior partners of the dictatorship but also have been at the forefront of pushing massive neo-liberal policies that attack ordinary people. They are a cowardly and vacillating lot, one day wining with the dictatorship and the other mourning about victimization. It is hoped that the latest events will show increasing layers of ordinary MDC-T supporters of the need for a resolute and decisive battle for democracy against the regime and capitalism.
The proposed Referendum can be used as a launch-pad for a bitter fight with the system of neo-liberalism and tyranny which must clearly go beyond the constitutional making process. Given the dominance of the COPAC Outreach programme by Zanu PF through manipulation and intimidation, it is likely that its positions on an all powerful executive president and non-inclusion of socio-economic rights will prevail. In any case both MDC formations are now calling for a negotiated constitution, which is likely to be based on the anti-working people Kariba Draft which contains neoliberal anti-working class provisions. If the MDC-T was really sincere it would have called for contentious provisions to be put directly as questions for decision in the Referendum. But it isn’t and seeks to lie to the people that it will facilitate the writing of a new constitution on getting into power. For the above reasons, now that we have exposed in practice the hypocrisy of the elites, we should now start preparing to reject the likely elitist, neoliberal and undemocratic constitution they are brewing…. As we argued in our posters with our interests not included we must mobilize for a Vote No in the Referendum as part and parcel of building a general and united anti-dictatorship and anti-capitalist uprising in this country. It is time we learn from our mistakes as ordinary people that our struggles were hijacked when the MDC was formed. This time we have to do away with the capitalist system and join hands with other fighting working peoples of the world such as we see in France, Greece and South Africa who are also revolting against the system this day. Viva Socialism!
Cde T. Sando

WORKING CLASS BEWARE OF A BOGUS BUDGET.

Elitist Budget is not for us, it is for Politicians, the Rich and the Elites.
The 2011 national budget by Minister of Finance Mr. Tendai Biti had positive gains for the social services, i.e., health and education. But it would be naïve to pretend not to see the thinly veiled attack upon the poor unleashed in the Budget presentation on Thursday 25 November 2010. We seek to expose the hypocrisy behind the publicity that was so over-zealously praised by the bourgeoisie media and politicians as pro-poor especially basing on a paltry handout that was promised civil servants and the nation.
The salary increments to public sector workers did not come on a silver platter neither does it fool anyone to think Biti and the ruling class have any benevolence in them especially after the minister gained notoriety for advocating for a wage freeze early this year. Indeed the 100% salary increase came as a result of massive struggles carried out by civil servants for the major part of this year. As a comparison the private sector workers whose struggles were less keen only saw at most a 10% salary increment. To further expose Biti’s cunning, he set the tax-free threshold at $225.Predcisely that’s where him and his fellow ruling class scum desired the salary scale to be (if only it weren’t for next years polls and the militants demonstrated by government employees this year.)
The conclusion is that action works. Jambanja ndizvo. Now further action is more necessary than ever if we are to beat the Poverty datum line which is still a further $200 away. Furthermore Biti’s Budget statement has remained virtually silent on the salaries of MPs and Judges. These were just removed from the civil servants’ Salary Services Bureau but we were not told their salaries. We Demand fairness, transparency and justice, Mr Biti!
Student Loan Fund. The birth pangs of privatisation
Biti promised to resuscitate the Student Loan scheme, to that end he set up $15 million. Never could he have found a more explicit way of privatising tertiary education than what he exposed in his budget presentation. Students might celebrate but they need only question why the government has decided to partner itself with a bank if it was so sympathetic. From experience banks would be vey crucial when it comes to following up on creditors (read poor students) .And we need not mention commercial bank rates!
DESIRABLE BUDGET
Frankly, the budget allocations for the crucial social services sector of education and health are far from desirable neither do they meet the crucial needs of these sectors. Education demands in Zimbabwe go beyond $400m, likewise with Health where no provision was made for the availability of Anti-retroviral Drugs. Penga Murwere Penga. But the budget was never funded by people who rob the nation of its wealth, ie, the rich capitalists and pro-imperialist multinationals. The 2010 budget is being funded by the poor while the rich benefits. So the Budget is being openly funded by the working class and the poor as they go to buy their daily bread(vat) and w2hen they earn their salaries(pay as you earn) and not capitalists who have stricken it rich in our diamond fields of Chiadzwa or past opposition sponsors, the western imperialists..The class war is advancing in Zimbabwe but unfortunately the working class has not been militant enough. Time is now ripe for the formation of a socialist workers party in Zimbabwe that is rooted in the day to day struggles of the poor, workers and students
Cdes Lenin Chisaira & Oscar Simbi

WORKING CLASS BEWARE OF A BOGUS BUDGET.

ISO SPLIT: MUTERO AND TIGWE AT EACH OTHER’S THROATS...OUTGROWTH OF OPPORTUNISM

Cunning hypocrisy!

Although we do not want to waste any time on the counter- revolution that split our International Socialist Organisation (ISO) in late 2008, recent happenings in the turncoats camp merit some comments.
Were there any convincing ideological reasons for Cdes Mutero and Tigwe to lead a split from the ISO or it was merely high time for opportunists to leave and hunt for their plunder elsewhere? Recent events utterly expose the slanders and cunning hypocrisy that preceded their departure from ISO.
What`s happening to the “pure revolutionaries” now?
Within two years the breakaway comrades have “hitch-hiked” from one tendency to another. What are they looking for? They left ISO to form what they called ISO Zimbabwe. Then they joined the Leninist International Fraction (FLTI),then the Revolutionary International League –Fourth International ( RIL-FI) in their nomadic chase for money and opportunities.

Now they have split again, the Mutero faction has remained RIL-FI whilst and the Tigwe, Manjonjo and Chidavaenzi led faction has turned ISO –ZIM again. What confusion! Reasons for the split are none other than monetary gain and political opportunism. Mutero accuses Tigwe of stealing US$6 000 from a poor people’s housing co-operative in Glen Norah, as well as being an MDC-T front and hitching up with a splinter grouping of the FLTI in the USA and New Zealand in order to get money. Tigwe in turn accuses Mutero of unilaterally changing the name of the organisation to RIL-FI in order to get a salary as part of the FLTI African secretariat, and also getting money under false pretence that he had been evicted from his house for political reasons and that he is a leading member of a reformist outfit called Zimbabwe Action.
Before the 2008 split we suspended Tigwe from the ISO for secretly remaining as a leading member of MDC-T in Glen Norah against ISO resolutions. On readmission he was again soon re-suspended for stealing organisation money, triggering the December 2008 split. At the time of the split we made it clear that the real reasons why Mutero and Tigwe were leading the split were crude opportunism, greedy and taking advantage of a serious unevenness of ideological development in our organisation. The two wanted to turn ISO into a quasi pro-MDC NGO to be used mainly as a vehicle for accumulating money from imperialist donors and unsuspecting left international organisations because of the Zimbabwe crisis. Hence Tigwe is still in the MDC-T Glen Norah district structures and even worked in the MDC Constituency office there.
One needs to go no further than the recent flood of Mutero-Tigwe correspondences on the internet to realise thatl there is nothing fundamentally different between the two other thsan concerns of who should have the most advantageous position to plunder and loot from unsuspecting regional or international left organisations and western imperialists.
.We shoulder the blame for having provided a breeding ground for such opportunists by failing to adequately develop our comrades ideologically.
Firstly: The social composition of the ISO. Before the year 2000 the ISO used to recruit many of its members from organised labour, i.e. trade unions and colleges and universities. From the year 2001 to 2009, which was a period of extraordinary economic catastrophe in Zimbabwe, the ISO went through a massive change in terms of its social composition. We could not continue depending on recruiting from colleges and trade unions for such “institutions” were largely decimated by the crisis. At the height of the economic and social crisis in 2008, many colleges became virtually closed or non-functional whilst many “worker activists” left employment going into the informal sector, rural areas or leaving the country.
This posed huge challenges for a tiny revolutionary organisation, with an even more tiny cadreship base, that is losing its few cadres at a time that was ripe for working class resistance struggle .For survival we had no option than to look for alternative “islands of life” that is social movements which mostly were constituted of the unemployed women, youths and AIDS/HIV activists, who whilst very enthusiastic for struggle were very weak politically and ideologically and particularly vulnerable to the politics of commodification of resistance or bribes from donor – funded civic society groups. This meant we had a mixture of a very small and ever decreasing layer of experienced comrades and a bigger layer of quite inexperienced comrades.
The new situation posed on us two challenges : that is attempting to train this newer and politically weak membership in a context of very low class struggles and at the same time trying to be visible in the broader democratic struggles against the Zanu PF dictatorship.
Secondly, such high levels of ideological unevenness combined with rampant poverty amongst comrades due to unemployment and hyper-inflation and in the context of rampant bribing of activists by the bourgeois opposition and civic society groups, “commodification of resistance,” provided a fertile breeding ground for opportunism, i.e. increasing pressure that ISO be like the other social movements and civic groups by providing “something” for sustenance or survival for its members, especially income generation projects and payment for attending meetings and activities.
Thus it became very much easier for a clique of opportunists in ISO to take advantage of the desperation and underdevelopment amongst many comrades to mobilise against the ISO leadership and its revolutionary programme in an attempt to turn around the ISO into an NGO which they would use to lure donor money. This is the context in which the October 2008 elections which were won by the opportunists were done. However, the ISO principled leadership was able to subsequently win back the support of the majority of members and branches, leading the opportunists to split. In this they were helped by the Cape Town based WIVL, which took an unprincipled and opportunist position to back them, in the hope of recruiting a Zimbabwean section, a decision have lately come to regret.
For our part in our desperate fight to get back hard-won asserts necessary for revolutionary work but now in danger of being sold for a penny by these opportunist renegades , we made some mistakes such as getting the comrades who had stolen virtually all our property, arrested and taking the disputes before the bourgeois courts. However, this was a desperate temporary manoeuvre and we withdrew the charges at the earliest possible opportunity. Remember even, Bolshevik leader V.I.Lenin was once travelled to Russia in a sealed train under an arrangement with the Germany imperial state in 1917.
The ISO has continued with its revolutionary work of rebuilding a socialist, anti-imperialist and anti-neoliberal movement in Zimbabwe against a rapacious and neoliberal ruling class represented in both parties of the rich and capitalists, Zanu PF and MDC. Today our focus is on rebuilding a new cadreship increasingly drawn from a new radicalising layer of students and workers as well as developing the ideological consciousness of the best of activists from the social movements who were unshaken by the winds of opportunism.
Don’t confuse the working class please. Viva Socialism!
National Co-ordinating Committee,
International Socialist Organisation (ISO)

17 November 2010

Monday, January 19, 2009

Statement

National Central Committee Statement on Recent Happenings in ISO

1. The National Central Committee of the International Socialist Organisation (Zimbabwe) met in an emergency meeting on Wednesday 13^th January 2009 to look at recent events in the country and organization including the purported expulsion from the organization of the ISO general co-ordinator, Munyaradzi Gwisai, as announced at a press conference on 11^th January, by a section of the ISO national leadership led by the national co-ordinator Ady Mutero and national treasurer, Fortune Tigwe.

2. The National Central Committee (CC) is the supreme decision-making body of ISO in between its National Members Conferences. The meeting was attended by 18 of the body’s 25 constitutional members, and apologies given by two.[1]

3. After receiving reports and exhaustive debate the National Central Committee noted that:

a. The press conference and expulsion were unproceedural and illegal having been done outside the parameters of the organisation’s constitution by a small clique within the recently elected national leadership. Contrary to press reports that the expulsion had been authorized by a National Members Conference on 9 January 2009, no such meeting had occurred, but what had taken place was a kangaroo factional meeting of the National Co-ordinating Committee, the executive arm of the Central Committee, attended by less than five of its ten members and convened without due notice to the other members, as had similarly been the case with the press conference.

b. The accusations against Gwisai are incompletely unfounded and without substance: Whilst one of its longest serving and most experienced members, Gwisai has never in fact occupied the highest position in ISO of national co-ordinator as alleged, but has been a member of ISO’s collective leadership as its librarian; regular elections have been held with office holders properly elected, with the previously elected national co-ordinators of ISO being: Briggs Zano, Luke Bhukarin, T Sando, Tom Msvhaya, Briggs Bomba and Mike Sambo. At the latest National Members Conference in Novemebr 2008, Gwisai was nominated by virtually all the branches to occupy the newly created position of general co-ordinator of ISO, but due to time constraints the exact terms of the position were deferred to the National Central Committee. Subsequently the full National Co-ordinating Committee, chaired and attended by members of the Mutero-Tigwe clique placed Gwisai in the position of general co-ordinator, pending the National Central Committee. This position was endorsed by all the branches of ISO. No property of the organisation has been seized by Gwisai, nor was the organisation’s e-mail passwords changed by Gwisai. Problems there are in ISO, like in many other organizations in these trying times in Zimbabwe, but the ISO collective leadership in the National Co-ordinating Committee had agreed to refer all such problems to the higher organ of the National Central Committee in mid January 2009. Yet before such meeting, the Mutero-Tigwe clique calls a public press conference before the bourgeois press to give lies and falsehoods – a practice most inconsistent with revolutionary socialist traditions.

c. That the real reason behind the little rebellion, shown in the purported expulsion of Gwisai and threatened expulsions of other longstanding members, is the reactionary and counter-revolutionary alliance the Mutero-Tigwe clique has entered into with a cross-section of right-wing and imperialist-funded NGOs. The later along with similar-minded elements in the opposition MDC leadership, have historically opposed the ISO for its resolute and consistent position that the struggles against the Zanu PF dictatorship must be fought from an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and anti-neoliberal basis that prioritises both the political demands and the bread and butter demands of the poor. And that the way forward is direct mass action from below and not talks or sanctions or fake elections before a new people driven constitution. These forces insist that the struggle must be solely restricted to the regime-change - “Mugabe must go” agenda of their paymasters and not raise the anti-neoliberal demands of the poor, and they oppose the militant route of peoples power or jambanja. They hate us for insisting that the western imperialists and capitalists who fund and control these NGOs in civic society and the political opposition are not genuine allies of the democratic movement. This is why there were sharp differences between them and us at the Peoples Convention in February 2008 and ongoing in the social forum processes, and before that in the MDC, when we expelled in 2003. In its political perspectives the Mutero-Tigwe clique now argues the same class nonsense and clap-trap as these right-wing forces, arguing that the ISO must re-orientate to “these comprador bourgeoisie organizations” and abandon all ideological fights with them “for the sole objective of removing Mugabe, thereafter we renew our different fight(s), ideological fights.” In other words they seek to liquidate the ISO as a revolutionary socialist organization and abandon its principled united front approach whereby it can work in alliance with other groups around agreed minimum demands but never renouncing its right to articulate its ideological positions for socialism and criticisms of capitalism and reformist - reactionary leaders. Instead they want to turn ISO into a compliant nominally left but well paid lackey in a popular front run by the right-wing NGOs and right wing opposition leaders in MDC, where we hide our politics, ideology and criticism of capitalism and the reactionary reformist leaders. In other words they want to follow the old Left Wing position of returning the ISO to MDC hegemony, even when the role and space of working people and militants has become even much less now than when it was in 2003 with the capitalists and imperialists in much greater influence. We rejected this in the MDC in 2002 -3 when it was being pushed by the now defunct Left Wing splinter group, and reject it now, especially when the MDC leadership has shown such contempt for its ordinary membership and civic society partners by going into an elitist deal with the Zanu PF dictatorship without consulting them. We acknowledge the very significant contributions Mutero and Tigwe have made to ISO and the revolutionary struggle over time, but it is clear that now they have succumbed to the temptations of opportunism, whether because of the dollars being flushed in their faces by the right-wingers or because of mere exhaustion, or both, we do not know. Either way they have today become renegades in the struggle, working with and under the control of the class enemies of the working classes and the poor in general.

d. This is why it has become necessary to expel Gwisai and other longstanding leaders of ISO as has been threatened, for without that this the renegades cannot succeed in their designs to liquidate the ISO into popular front politics and opportunism. Indeed so crass has been their betrayal that the press conference was facilitated and mobilized by the imperialist-funded Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe) through Thabani Moyo, formerly of the Crisis Coalition. The very same MISA whose executive director Takura Zhangazha vigorously led the opposition of the inclusion of anti-neoliberal and anti-capitalist demands in the Peoples Charter and who despite being a leading figure in the Peoples Convention still went behind everyone’s back to join the MDC-T technical team in the MDC-Zanu PF talks in South Africa despite that such talks had been roundly rejected by the Peoples Convention as a useless elitist platform. Today it is a network of such forces that have become the closest friends of the Mutero-Tigwe clique, funding them and pushing their propaganda. We ask whether it is a mere coincidence that the Mutero-Tigwe clique seeks to destabilize ISO, so conveniently near the elective Zimbabwe Social Forum annual strategic meeting where Gwisai is being supported by ISO and many progressive movements to stand as chairperson, but being massively opposed by the very same right-wing NGOs?

e. These renegades had assumed that in the context of escalating massive poverty of ordinary people, including our membership and a relatively largely new membership recruited in the last three years and not yet fully familiar with socialist politics and traditions, the few crumbs of bread they were offering from their paymasters, would turn the membership against its principles, values and politics and sell out its soul to the capitalist enemies, but they have received a rude shock by the resoluteness and class solidarity the overwhelming membership of the ISO has shown in rejecting them and their naked attempts to destroy the only functional revolutionary socialist organization in Zimbabwe. It is not for nothing that the slogan of ISO is “Shinga Mushandi!”; “Qina Msebenzi”! Even in the most difficulty and adverse of positions, including such crass betrayals, we will preserve in the struggle against dictatorship, capitalism and for socialism.

RESOLUTIONS

4. Taking the above into account the National Central Committee resolved by an overwhelming majority of EIGHTEEN votes in favour of and ZERO against that:

a. The five under-mentioned persons who convened the unconstitutional press conference and responsible for various counter-revolutionary activities are hereby and immediately expelled from the International Socialist Organisation, and that the ISO shall henceforth not be responsible or liable for any actions, statements or activities arising from them – :

i. Ady Mutero, formerly the national co-ordinator;

ii. Fortune Tigwe, formerly the national treasurer;

iii. L. Manjo, formerly the national youth co-ordinator;

iv. E. Chida, formely the national gender co-ordinator;

v. S. Shere, formerly, the Harare Province gender co-ordinator.

b. The meeting affirms that Munyaradzi Gwisai is and remains the General Co-ordinator of ISO and that Mike Sambo and Sando shall act in the capacities of National Co-ordinator and National Treasurer, respectively, pending the next National Members Conference.

c. That the ISO reaffirms its support for the candidature of Munyaradzi Gwisai as chairperson of the Zimbabwe Social Forum at its coming January 2009 elective Annual Strategic Meeting and calls upon all progressive movements and organizations to continue their support of the same despite the falsehoods and insinuations made by the expelled clique and their allies.

Smash the dictatorship! Smash capitalism! Viva Socialism!

ISO National Central Committee[2]

15^th January 2009, Harare

[1] The meeting was held at the ISO National Offices and was attended by: of the ten national heads of departments in the National Co-ordinating Committee – NCC, six attended; of the eight members of the Harare Provincial Executive Committee five attended and two gave apologies; of the seven branches of the ISO of Mbare; Highfields-Glen Norah; Chitungwiza; Kadoma and Mutare, five were represented by their branch co-ordinators, whilst the co-ordinators of the Budiriro-Glen View and Bulawayo branches sent apologies but were represented by members of their branch committees.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

Newspapers

Copies of our last 2 newspapers, Socialist Worker, can be downloaded by clicking here or by going to http://iso.zim.googlepages.com

Saturday, June 07, 2008

UNDER SEIGE

OUR OFFICES IN CENTRAL HARARE HAVE BEEN RAIDED. POLICE CAME IN THE MORNING AND DEMANDED TO SEE SEVERAL LEADERS OF OUR ORGANISATION. THEY REMOVED FILES FROM OUR OFFICE.

THE POLICE CLAIM THAT OUR LAST NEWSPAPER ISSUE WAS "INFLAMATORY" OR "INCITING".

THEY ALSO DEMANDED TO KNOW WHO WRITES FOR OUR NEWSPAPER, WHERE IT IS TYPED AND WHERE IT IS PRINTED.

OUR COMRADES MANAGED TO JUST ESCAPE WITH OUR ONLY COMPUTER.

SOLIDARITY MESSAGES CAN BE TEXED OR PHONED THROUGH TO +263 912 908 847 OR +263 11 875 976 OR +263 23 295722 OR E-MAIL iso.zim@gmail.com or socialismfrombelow@gmail.com or keepleftct@gmail.com

INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST ORGANISATION
P.O. BOX 6758, HARARE

Friday, May 02, 2008

Crisis in Zimbabwe after the March 2008 Elections: Crisis in Zimbabwe after the March 2008 Elections:

What now after the elections

The massive performance of MDC (T) partly vindicates those who were arguing that something was happening in the electorate and therefore necessary to participate in the elections.
However, our central positions remain intact. If MDC (T) is correct that it won the presidential elections by an absolute majority, yet Zanu PF is insisting that there will be a run-off, this confirms our basic argument that the regime would remain in power by hook or crook, unless otherwise compelled by mass mobilization. Further our other basic position of the likelihood of an elitist and neoliberal deal around a government of national unity remains most likely. Despite the massive vote for change and removal of the Zanu PF dictatorship by the masses, the elites who now dominate MDC (T) are likely to cut a deal with the regime.
The number of elites such as business people, bankers and top professionals and lawyers amongst the newly elected MDC parliament representatives is staggering, with no less than fourteen senior lawyers! At the same time the elections have produced a hung parliament which gives disproportionate power to the similarly elitist dominated MDC (Mutambara) / Makoni factions whose 7 – 10% vote will be necessary for both the presidential run-off and to pass laws and budgets in parliament. In Zanu PF itself the best performing areas where in the Mashonaland provinces dominated by the pro-business Mujuru faction. These factors point to the strong likelihood of an elitist deal, under pressure from business and the imperialists, especially with the sword of Mugabe’s black indigenization law hanging over their heads. As Minister Chinamasa points out, there is immense pressure of a government of national unity in international and regional circles, with threats of escalation of the sanctions if this fails to materialize.
This is why one cannot dismiss off-hand the claim by Zanu PF that MDC (T) has already made proposals for cancellation of the run-off and for a government of national unity. As we earlier warned the MDC elites were desperate to get into government at any cost. The MDC officials that Zanu PF claims have approached them are the same in Tsvangirai’s infamous kitchen cabinet. We should also not forget that this is the same MDC that went into secret talks with Zanu PF and signed Amendment 18. In any case Tsvangirai has made no secret his intention of creating a government of national unity "with elements from Zanu PF."
Thus MDC (T)’s new position of boycotting the run-off, after initially stating it would contest "under protest", would be commendable and consistent with our earlier argument of rejecting the fake elections, but is suspect in the circumstances. Instead of mobilizing the masses who have overwhelmingly voted for it, as did its counterpart in Kenya, MDC (T) has focused on calling for so-called "international community" intervention – code words for the western countries; sending its leaders on futile regional – international "diplomatic offensives"; and most damning pacifying its members and civic groups by calling for restraint and not doing anything to provoke the regime and the party again going to Mugabe’s courts for relief, giving the regime cover to draw out the dispute and consolidate its positions.
The behavior of the regime in refusing to announce the results has more than vindicated the position of those who said that without a democratic constitution and mass mobilization, the March elections would not deliver change and that Mugabe was not joking when he warned Bulawayo residents – "You can vote for them (MDC), but that will be a wasted vote. You will be cheating yourself as there is no way we can allow them to rule this country… The MDC will not rule this country. It will never, ever happen. Asisoze sivume."
Now emboldened by the cowardice and opportunism of the elites who now dominate the opposition, Zanu PF is arrogantly insisting on a run-off that on every count it should lose, given that the combined opposition vote in the parliamentary elections was around 53% to Zanu PF’s 43%. Zanu PF is likely to launch a vicious and brutal scotched earth campaign in the rural areas for the run off, but even this is unlikely to surpass the significant numerical advantage the opposition enjoys, unless Zanu PF fiddles with the figures.
Although one can’t discount the possibility of a deal being struck off before the run-off, the more likely possibility is that of Zanu PF still pushing for the run-off, "winning" it and establish the legitimacy it yearns for and thereafter after softening of MDC, still entering into an elitist western-backed neo-liberal deal with the opposition to deal with the economic crisis. What should revolutionaries and radicals in civic society and organized labour do in the circumstances?
In the first place we welcome the route that MDC (T) has now taken, under pressure from its radicals and the masses, namely that MDC (T) will not participate in the fake run-off or re-count and calling for mass action. This stops the confusion and inconsistency that they have been showing. If MDC (T) is genuine in saying it won the elections and has been rigged why participate in a second round, where you are likely to be rigged again, as we had earlier on warned? However, it is not enough to merely boycott and do nothing or try and rely on useless methods like regional or international talks etc, for the regime will only use the space to consolidate itself or the international community, with the support of the cowardly and opportunistic elites in the party, will force MDC (T) into a sell out government of national unity with the regime.
A boycott to be effective, must be followed by mass mobilization and a campaign for civil disobedience – jambanja! MDC (T) had already lost valuable momentum immediately after the elections, when it could have initiated mass action together with civic society in the full glare of the regional and international media. But the current situation, where the elites have become entangled in the elections results issue, re-opens new possibilities for mobilization of mass action. The real way forward then is to immediately plan and mobilize for mass resistance to the electoral fraud, as the brave women of WOZA have shown.
This can be multifaceted starting with less confrontational methods that build confidence such as pressure on ZEC to resign, especially those seconded by the opposition, regular mass prayer meetings, cascading into stayaways and general strikes and demonstrations, if the regime refuses our deadlines, especially ahead of Independence Day on 18 April. On the day of the general strike and demonstration regional and international solidarity marches should be called for. The key demands remain rejection of the fake elections and demand for free and fair election under a new democratic and people driven constitution together with the demand for a tax-free living wage for workers and other demands in the Peoples Charter. This action cannot be left to the MDC (T) leadership alone, as the elites who now dominate such party do not have the capacity nor courage to do such action. The way forward is action led by a democratic united front of the opposition parties, civic society and labour, with every party agreeing not to make individual and separate deals with the regime.
At all times radical civic society must keep its autonomy from the opposition parties. The groups around the Peoples Convention must urgently re-group an dlike their Kenyan counter-parts start this process. For as we earlier warned – "unlike previous alliances like the Broad Alliance and Save Zimbabwe, such united front must be autonomous of MDC … The experiences from 2000 teach us that ‘any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail …
Even if it should engage in some action, its primary pre-occupation is towards reaching a sell out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship …" However, given the obvious chicanery around the current results, the isolation of the regime, the massive and still escalating economic crisis, and the massive courage and confidence shown by the working people in the March elections and the confusion around the elections, the ground is more than fertile for mass resistance and action that can defeat the regime.
However, the dominance of business elites in MDC (T), points out to the fact that the party may still eventually enter the run off, despite current contrary proclaimations. If that happens then the radical forces will have to decide the advantages of an unconditional but critical vote for Tsvangirai as opposed to a boycott of the elections in order not to legitimize them as we had earlier called for. Contrary to our earlier position we now believe that given the failure to build an autonomous united front of labour, radical civic groups and the revolutionary left, after most such groups went into bed with MDC (T) in the harmonized elections an din the absence of left radicalization in Zanu PF itself, the possibility of the people power scenario, is highly reduced. Unless there is an elitist deal, and in the context of an escalating economic crisis, the greater likelihood becomes of a full scale Zanu PF – military dictatorship or a failed state, both eventualities that would crush the democratic , opposition and left forces given their current weaknesses.
In such circumstances, and in view of the massive support for MDC (T) in the March elections from working people, the way to go is to call for a vote for Tsvangirai without illusions about the regime going peacefully, but for the masses to use the period around the vote to remobilize for mass action, if as is likely the regime again steals, rigs or kills its way to victory. Further even in the eventuality of an MDC victory for the masses not to have illusions as to the nature of an MDC government but to be open and clear of what it would stand for – full restoration of a brazenly corrupt neoliberal dictatorship over the poor including privatization and significant reversal of the land reforms.
However, the call for its victory is premised on the basis that such a regime would still offer greater democratic space for the working classes, anti-capitalist movements and the left than under a military dictatorship or failed state. It is also likely to stabilize the economic crisis in the short to medium term, as the sanctions are lifted, increased tourist inflows. It is highly likely that there will be a fairly significant degree of imperialist aid and investment and balance of payment support, as they try and stabilize the new regime, to avoid the earlier fate of a similar regime in Palestine. Already the British government has promised a package of around $US billion as part of an overall package seen as one of the highest in recent years. Thus economic recovery albeit on an elitist basis and premised on resumption of a full-neoliberal programme is likely. Yet this would still arrest the hemorrhage the masses are now suffering, including of activists and cadres. As of now the masses are roasting on a fire, with a Mugabe victory sending them to hell, whereas an MDC government, like in Zambia and Kenya after Kaunda and Moi, likely to remove them from the fire into a pan next to the fire! Again as in those countries, the effects of the MDC neoliberal programme are likely to be felt towards the end of the first term of the regime. The key being that the left, organized labour and the anti-capitalist movement must continue their struggles right at the inception of an MDC government or government of national unity centred around anti-neoliberal bread and butter demands containe din the People Charters and sme promised by MDC (T) in the elections, as well as a new democratic constitution. They must use the intervening period to build their forces and cadreship and establish an effective united front to lead the masses when they start revolting against the neoliberal regime that succeeds the Mugabe dictatorship. This is what did not happen in Zambia and Kenya and allowed elements of the same regimes to again hijack the people’s movements.
Finally it is clear that the hold that Tsvangirai and MDC have on the urban poor and increasingly the generality of the working people can only be broken if the Mugabe dictatorship is broken and Tsvangirai ascends into power for his true characters to be fully exposed. Without that the illusions the masses have in him, derived from the leadership role he played in the initial round of revolt against neoliberalism and the dictatorship in 1997 – 99 and in the absence of a significant left united front alternative, will persist to the detriment of building a true mass anti-capitalist and revolutionary movement, especially in the context of the economic meltdown and unprecedented poverty we now face in Zimbabwe. He therefore must be given the long rope… the sooner the better. But at this momentous stage in the history of Zimbabwe, as the conflicts amongst the elites open a window, it is paramount that the democratic, opposition, progressive and revolutionary forces urgently come together around a programme of mass action from below, the only real way to defeat the dictatorship and stop a neoliberal elitist deal.
ISO Zimbabwe (11 – 04 – 2008)

ISO Analysis of the March 29 elections

Analysis of March 29 Elections
In the March elections, MDC (T)has performed much better than we had anticipated, maintaining its urban strongholds and defeating Zanu PF in some of its previous strongholds in particular in Manicaland and Masvingo.1
The combined opposition will control the House of Assembly including appointing the Speaker. And contrary to our projections, if the two MDC factions had run united they would actually have won the March elections. However, our analysis remained valid in so far as the results show the continuing support for Zanu PF in the majority of rural supporters.
Thus unlike what happened to other regimes that had implemented neoliberal programmes and were subsequently virtually wiped out such as UNIP in Zambia, Kanu in Kenya or MCP n Malawi, Zanu PF still remains a substantial party in Zimbabwe despite the unprecedented economic crisis. Indeed the presidential results are going be decisive, for whichever party wins, will also control the legislature as the president will not only enjoy executive powers but also directly appoint 15 senators and influence the eighteen chief senators. Nonetheless the opposition did very well. What factors explain the above?
First and foremost is the massive poverty induced by the escalating economic crisis, now extending to the rural poor and the obvious inability of the state to address this. Whilst factors like corruption, inefficiency and agriculture decline partially explain the economic crisis, the fundamental reason is the strangulation of the economy by the capitalists and the western countries through direct and indirect sanctions. These include denial of access to international credit to the Zimbabwean state and companies under laws like the US Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act; travel warnings to tourists; massive reduction in investment and aid with for instance Zimbabwe now receiving less than US$10 for every person affected by AIDS/HIV when the regional comparison is over US$100.
Whilst strangulating the national economy and capacity of the state to deliver welfare, the western countries poured significant amounts of money into food relief for peasants in most rural areas through the WFP and international NGOs. Faced with another disastrous agricultural season the peasants, especially in the drought-prone provinces, voted with their stomachs for the party they felt was closest to those who were feeding them.
This is the "soft rigging" Zanu PF is now harping on and will possibly use as justification for rejecting the results.
Secondly and related to the above is the continued working class and urban poor support for MDC (T), in the absence of viable left alternatives and growing poverty. Further many workers retrenched as a result of the crisis and those displaced by Operation Murambatsvina provided the critical mass around which MDC (T) was able to campaign around in the rural areas. This was especially so in the context of probably the most peaceful electoral environment since 1980 due to the SADC/Mbeki Initiative, a sleek, deceitful and massively funded MDC (T) campaign, which for the first time since 2000 emphasized on the bread and butter issues affecting the masses such as education, health and food. Finally were the immense divisions within Zanu PF stalked by the succession question, which saw unpopular candidates imposed from the top.
Finally, Mugabe also paid the price the failure of his regime to radicalize further in response to the economic siege. The regime’s only probable alternative to deal with the current crisis and onslaught by business and the imperialists was to move towards expropriation of the main businesses that produce the necessities of life, in other words a state capitalist model similar to Cuba or North Korea. Instead the business elites in the regime led by Reserve Bank governor G. Gono, successfully fought the June 207 price freeze measures advocating for free market policies and bribes for the electorate through tractors, ploughs etc. Without the economic wherewithal the Zanu PF state remains weak and unable to meet the basic needs of the population. It is of course debatable whether under the current global political and economic environment, even a state capitalist model, would have saved the regime, rom a determined onslaught by the forces of global capital, as we see the retreat that regimes like Libya and N. Korea are now makng(
1 MDC (T) got 99 seats in the House of Assembly compared to 97 for Zanu PF, 10 MDC (Mutambara) and 1 Independent (Jonathan Moyo); and in Senate MDC (T) got 24 seats, Zanu PF 30 and MDC (Mutambara) 6. In terms of the popular vote for the House of Assembly, Zanu PF won 45.9 percent of the total vote, MDC (T), 42.8 and MDC (Mutambara) 8.3, and independents
– 2.7 percent. Of the ten provinces Zanu PF won in six provinces five absolutely, compared to MDC (T)`s four, two absolutely. These results were mirrored in Senate were Zanu PF won 45.4 percent of the popular vote, carrying six provinces, five absolutely, whilst MDC (T) won 43.5 percent, carrying four provinces, two absolutely .

Tuesday, September 25, 2007

ZSF Mobilising for a living Social Forum

ZSF has now assumed a living character and is now probably the most organized Social Forum in the region if not the whole of Africa. This has largely been because of serious ideological and strategic debates and fights in the ZSF over the way forward. The growing success of ZSF has vindicated the arguments of the radical social movements and revolutionary socialists that rather than follow the model of a mere annual talk show or space run from above by loose, un-elected and unaccountable leadership structures dominated by NGO elites characteristic of most social forum processes on the continent, the way to go for ZSF was to become a radical living Social Forum with defined, accountable and democratically elected leadership structures rooted in the social movements and ordinary masses and one which actively supports and facilitates, in action and not just talk, the daily bread and butter struggles of the poor against neoliberal capitalism and the Zanu PF political dictatorship. The historic ZSF Annual Strategic Planning meeting of 10 March 2007 adopted the later approach and obliged all ZSF structures from regions, clusters and commissions to renew, democratically, leadership structures as well as accelerate campaigns of resistance.
So far many clusters and regions have met electing leaderships and adopting campaigns of resistance, as shown below. Unfortunately a few clusters, regions and NOC commissions are still lagging behind.
HIV and AIDS Cluster
The cluster had its first meeting this year on the 3rd May where they selected their AIDS Council Committee led by cde Douglas, deputized by cde Sibongile. They adopted three key campaigns on health, education and running consumer co-operatives to ensure the availability of affordable and subsidised food and other basics. Citing the articulated government policy stating that no pupils should be suspended for non-payment of fees, they wrote letters to several school heads demanding reinstatement of pupils whose parents are HIV and AIDS patients who had been suspended from schools because of non-payment of fees and levies.
The campaign was indeed a success for most school heads and the ministry of education had no objections to the idea but only expressed that it needs to be done early in the year before schools open so that they have a comprehensive list of pupils who need such exemption . The campaign must grow to include a right to education for all children and run in conjunction with other clusters like the youths, disability and gender clusters. The cluster also agreed to run community health forums in the townships demanding the right to free treatment and free ARVs drugs to all HIV and AIDS patients. These are yet to kick off. The cluster also successfully organized this year’s commemorations on the Global AIDS commemorations week in Chitungwiza
Labour Cluster
They had their initial cluster meeting on the 25th April and agreed to let cde Canwell, the ZCTU nominee to the ZSF continue being the convener of the cluster but deputized by cde Ady from the ZLC. Ever since then they have been meeting fortnightly .The cluster also agreed to fully subscribe to the ZCTU calendar of events in particular the campaigns and stayaways for a living wage. Comrades in the cluster also attended the ZCTU Health and Safety day.
Informal Trade
They had their inaugural cluster meeting on the 19th of April with .cde Augustine from the cross borders association selected the convener. A well –attended teach-in was done in May. The key challenges facing this cluster and campaigns adopted included those of: the right to free trade in the SADCC region especially the removal of restrictive visa requirements in SA and the right to trade for vemusika and vendors in the urban areas. A new and recent challenge that the cluster needs to fight are the new laws imposing requirement that traders pay in forex for their imports.
Gender
Had a cluster meeting on the 12th of May. Cdes from WOZA, HIV and AIDS support groups, PADARE, ZCTU and ISO attended the meeting and backed cde Tabeth to be the convener and cde Tecla as deputy. The cluster adopted the following key campaigns: for food security and income generation through setting up consumer co-operatives under the Consumer Council and fighting for the right to trade of vendors ne vemusika; campaign to resist the privatization of water under ZINWA; a campaign for the right to education campaign by ensuring that no pupil is sent from school for not paying fees and levies; and to support the ZCTU WAC campaign for the right to dignity for girls and women by ensuring free or subsidized and affordable pads. The cluster resolved to run community forums in the townships to build up these campaigns.

Social Service Delivery
The cluster re-affirmed cde Mabhoo from CHRA as its NOC representative deputized by cde Taderera from CHIRRA. Members attended an extra-ordinary convention of residents associations in Masvingo over the ZINWA – water crisis and set up a National Task-Force chaired by cde Mabhoo to lead a national resistance campaign against ZINWA. CHIRRA held a powerful Chitungwiza report back meeting in June on the corruption in the MDC-Zanu PF run council in June in which resolutions for action were adopted. CHRA had earlier on a successful meeting in Harare on the need to fight water privatization and ZINWA. Already various groups in Budiriro have started local actions demanding that ZINWA dig boreholes and provide water bowers at selected points or face a rates boycotts. Similar demands have been placed on local business to help fund the construction of boreholes. The challenge is now to get the water campaign fully off the ground starting with community forums, rates boycotts and actions. As Hosia Chipanga says – “Ndakambokutaurirayi kuti mvura haitengeswe…”
Governance and Human Rights
The cluster is led by cde M. Chivasa from the NCA. Meetings have been sparse but a successful teach-in in conjunction with ZESN was done in late August attended by representatives from all clusters. ZimRights had a well attended public meeting on the 2008 elections in Harare. The key challenge of the cluster is now co-ordination and mobilization of resistance to the attempts by elites in the political parties to run fake and rigged elections under an imposed elitist new constitution on Zimbabwe without the involvement of the people. Civic society must re-mobilise for a Second Working People’s Convention to reject this and demand democratic elections in 2008 but only under a new, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution that would have been approved in a free and democratic referendum.

Generally as we write there are intense mobilization for the social forums in Chitungwiza - 22 September; Mutare – 29 September and Bulawayo - 6 October, which are all promising to be the most powerful and focused up to date and setting firm foundations for mobilizing resistance campaigns in the coming period. Thus the ZSF has mutated in all aspects from clusters, commissions, regions, the NOC and National Council gearing for playing a lead role in the unfolding struggles in Zimbabwe and SADCC. Now the way forward is to link all cluster activities in different townships and regions and have joint activities and campaigns. We must use the coming regional social forums and SASF in Mozambique on 17 – 19 October to sharpen our understanding of the crisis and forge effective new tactics and strategies so as to immediately roll out our campaigns of resistance. So its action full time after the forums!
Mike Sambo

No. 18 amendment ...the Great betrayal ...Working People`s convention now !

For the first or second time, at least known publicly, the two main political parties agreed on constitutional amendments supposedly meant to resolve the crisis in the country. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, No 18 was unanimously passed by, “amid thunderous applause from both Zanu –PF and MDC legislators.” The Bill harmonises presidential, parliamentary and local authority elections next year to be done in one day, increases the number of MPs and a few other cosmetic changes. 111 MPs voted for the Bill and none voted against. Speakers from ZANU PF and MDC spoke vociferously, applauding the coming together of the enemies for a decade. The ZANU PF chief Whip Joram Gumbo had this to say,
“We from this side of the House want to say the chickens have come home to roost. We realise now that we are Zimbabweans. We, as Zimbabweans, are able to come together and solve our issues."
The MDC (Tsvangirai) deputy president, Thoko Khupe stated:
"We supported the Bill because we do not want to see Zimbabwe burning.. It does not mean we have abandoned our demand for a new people-driven Constitution. It is our understanding that this will be delivered in due course."
Welshman Ncube, of the MDC (Mutambara) was even more forthright …
"Zimbabweans are faced with a national crisis. We may differ, but we agree there is a crisis. Some where along the way we lost each other. This is our attempt to find each other.”
Another opposition leader stated - “Today is the beginning of a historic moment in this house....We are in the process of making history and finding solutions to the crisis."
Quiet stunning from viciously warring parties in the last few years, including in the opposition. Tuesday the 18th of September was the outcome of the secret ongoing Mbeki talks between the two MDC's and ZANU PF led by Chinamasa and Goche for ZANU PF and Tendai Biti and Welshmen Ncube for the two MDC's.
“Treachery” – varombo kuvarombo vapfumi kuvapfumi
This deal is not for the poor and oppressed who have bravely withstood the hard times we have been going through and have been the necessary fuel to the existence of the MDC. Now the last decade of inspiring work by labour, civic society and social movements has been sacrificed by leaders only interested in getting into power and accumulating wealth. Indeed on that Tuesday 18 September 2007, while ‘they’ took Zimbabwe through this ‘historic moment’, labour and students activists were in police cells over the ZCTU stayaway. Truly the moment was historic. A turn in the direction of where the struggle for liberation is going. Yesterday showed us that "varombo kuvarombo, vafumi kuvafumi," must now be the slogan of the day and that the opposition leaders have accepted Mugabe’s invitation at the tractor feast that “Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tose … kana toita politics tinenge taguta.” The ideological mist that masked a false unity of purpose in the opposition forces has now been blown away.
Virtually all key civic society groups and the ZCTU have rightly denounced it. Arnold Tsunga, the chairman of Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights director said – “We think the MDC has sold out, and it will be very difficulty to work with them in future, taking into perspective the minor adjustment they and ZANU PF have agreed to.”
Lovemore Madhuku and the NCA were even more blistering in their attack:
We are disgusted by the MDC. I don’t see myself sitting under the same tent with both Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara discussing the future of this country. We are severing ties with the MDC over their going into bed with ZANU PF... The MDC’s decision to abandon the principle of a people driven Constitution and opting for a process driven by political parties in Parliament is an act of treachery.”
The NCA gave other reasons to reject the deal, including that: (1) it allows Mugabe to appoint his own successor through Parliament, instead of there being elections; (2) the size of parliament has been massively increased beyond the capacity of the country and economy, from 150 to 210 MPs and Senate from 66 to 93 – all these will be given brand new 4 x 4 double cabs! (3) it does not provide Zimbabweans in the Diaspora with the right to vote as in other SADC countries; (4) the appointment of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission remains under the control of Mugabe, who also retains his massive executive presidency powers and control of the state, courts, security arms and media; (5) the Bill of Rights remains the same not guaranteeing the rights of workers, the poor and oppressed or effective freedoms of movement, association and expression. There can be no free and fair elections under such conditions.
As some have already commented, this is a sick deal in which the MDC has got even less than Muzorewa got from Smith! Like Smith, Mugabe is today in a tight corner as the economy collapses, and instead of escalating resistance with other forces as the Patriotic Front did in 1978, the MDC is giving the Mugabe regime a life-saving boat!
Reasons behind Betrayal
However, progressive Social Movements, Labour and Civil Society, must celebrate this event as a refreshing moment which has vindicated a whole decade of ideological analysis of how to deal with the Mugabe dictatorship. Since at least 2001, we in the ISO have warned about how the opposition MDC has been hijacked by elitist capitalist forces and the need to construct an autonomous alternative anti-neoliberal united front to carry on the struggle, with the MDC, but independent of it if need be. We argued – “Thus any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail… its primary preoccupation is towards reaching a sell –out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… The possibility of an elite political settlement between the ruling party and opposition around a western supported full neo-liberal programme is thus real. This will be centred around the neo-liberal economic turn-around programme of ESAP 2 that has been spearheaded by Gono since 2003. The drive towards a settlement is driven by several factors including the ruling classes’ fear of an economic-social implosion because of the worsening economic crisis with unforeseeable political implications, and the fact that both parties are now dominated by elites who subscribe to neo-liberalism and are exhausted and fearful of the crisis of the last decade…. (ZANU PF) elites now want the peace to grow and launder the wealth acquired in the last decade but cannot do so in the context of a crisis ridden state under siege from the west. But to ensure that Zanu PF elites do not relapse as they did in 1997, the forces of global neo-liberalism demand a political guarantee in the form of co-option in government of their trusted agents in Zimbabwe, the MDC and (the exit of Mugabe). On the other hand, the opposition is dominated by the petite bourgeois elite, who long ago prostrated themselves before western neo-liberal political and economic forces and are now eager to get into state power, even as junior partners, and accumulate property as a neo-colonial dependent capitalist class”
It is such elitist settlement to pre-empt social-revolution, that the Mbeki Talks and Const Amendment 18 are designed to achieve supported by Mbeki and the west, with, as Mukundu of MISA aptly puts it - Tsvangirai likely to be “the unwilling sacrificial lamb, sacrificed at the altar of quiet diplomacy and the quest for power by those inside his ‘cabinet,” and as a price for Mugabe to agree to retire – a price not only the opportunist elites in MDC will be willing to pay but also the west, who have always seen Tsvangirai as naïve and dispensable. The West’s interests in Zimbabwe may be summarised simply - Re-launch of the Free Market dictatorship in Zimbabwe. The West would want to be vindicated that the SAP's under the IMF work but were mismanaged in Zimbabwe, besides banishing forever the “bad precedent” set by Mugabe on the land question. Mbeki wants to ensure that Tsvangirai does not set an example for COSATU/SACP to follow as Chiluba did in Zambia. So they will be prepared to ooze from all their financial tanks into the "New Zimbabwe" as soon as the new deal succeeds. SAP's have had a history of dismal failure and in the Latin Americas they have been shoved off by resurgent anti-neoliberal forces. It will only be wise to sanctify them with a Zimbabwe renewed and re-engaged. This explains the ICG, EU and McKinnons of the Commonwealth now wanting dialogue with Mugabe.

Working People Convention and Jambanja now!
But the elites in power and in opposition may not have it all their way. Now that the talks have been lubricated by the Number 18 Amendment, and vice versa, the driving seat seems to have been secured. But the major question remains the destination. Number 18 represents a political crisis and storm coming down. This is however still veiled by an unpredictable Mugabe trajectory, momentarily shrouded in speculation. It remains to be seen how Mugabe will manage his political campaign for the coming elections. The economic crisis that has threatened Mugabe's political power is still pending. Price hikes may be well on their way back to madness. So the economic crisis resolution is yet to be propounded. Neither is it all clear in MDC (Tsvangirai). There are stirrings of serious opposition, with reports that the youths, the women section, key provinces like Harare and Bulawayo, the Diaspora and other radicals are opposing the sell – out deal, with support coming mainly from the self-seeking MPs. Indeed over the week-end, Mugabe’s spokesperson, George Charamba, had revealed such stirrings and predicted that whilst the MDC (Mutambara) executive would easily support the deal, it was going to face stiff and insurmountable resistance in the Tsvangirai one, sending Biti into oblivion.
The above provides a historic moment for the progressives in labour, civic society, revolutionary socialists and MDC radicals to reclaim the initiative, smash this sell –out neoliberal elitist deal and re-launch the struggle to smash the dictatorship and the attempts at accelerating ESAP. These forces must urgently convene a 2nd Working People’s Convention which will discuss the treacherous Mbeki Talks and Amendment 18 and the way forward. Central will be that harmonised elections be done in 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this, then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience in which there is no co-operation whatsoever with the regime but a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. The ZCTU has already started the ball rolling, but to succeed we need united action of labour and civic society. Like Smith in 1978, the regime is now cornered, which is why its making concessions. History teaches us that success is possible. For instance the March 1961 Zhii – Zhanda strikes forced Nkomo to abandon the sell –out constitutional deal he had made with the British giving blacks 15 out of 65 parliamentary seats. In 1978, after ZANU refused to accept the Internal Settlement deal, Nkomo also withdrew from any further deals with the Smith- Muzorewa regime and opted for continuing with the struggle under the Patriotic Front. In 2005 Tsvangirai gave in to pressure not to go into the Senate elections. The same can happen today if we are resolute! Jambanja Ndizvo!