Due to intermittent and bad so-called service from state capitalist monopolies Tel-One and Dat-One, connection to this site has been awful since December last year.
The rotten ISP service has resulted in a couple of the articles below having been posted to the site twice. Please bear with us. Thanks!
Editor ISO
Tuesday, January 30, 2007
Thursday, January 25, 2007
Mugabe Extends Dictatorship to 2010 as bosses declare war on the poor - Jambanja only way forward!!
At its December Conference, the Zanu PF regime, resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in 2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term. What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society and the labour movement. As late as November the Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for the coming presidential elections! In view of such cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the poor and majority of this country. It started with Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary Policy announcing the removal of price controls and all subsidies on goods and services offered by the government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst local councils across the country have massively hiked rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1,280%!
On its part business has imposed savage unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services, farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an average working class family, yet workers on average earn not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers, nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was reported amongst the top three performers across Africa in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as they give workers peanuts. But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social movements under accountable and recallable leadership must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship and anti-imperialist programme to push forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell–out leaders and replace them with militants and push for action, strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand with the social movements. We must seek to build regional and international solidarity from other movements of the poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash Capitalism!
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term. What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society and the labour movement. As late as November the Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for the coming presidential elections! In view of such cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the poor and majority of this country. It started with Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary Policy announcing the removal of price controls and all subsidies on goods and services offered by the government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst local councils across the country have massively hiked rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1,280%!
On its part business has imposed savage unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services, farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an average working class family, yet workers on average earn not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers, nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was reported amongst the top three performers across Africa in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as they give workers peanuts. But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social movements under accountable and recallable leadership must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship and anti-imperialist programme to push forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell–out leaders and replace them with militants and push for action, strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand with the social movements. We must seek to build regional and international solidarity from other movements of the poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash Capitalism!
Struggles in Printing Union
Serious internal squabbles have erupted in the Printing union. One faction is led by old Reflections members (a rank and file group of workers which successfully mobilized and took over the union from the old corrupt ZGWU leadership. The other side is a mixture of old ZGWU supporters, some who contested the 2004 Congress and lost and a few currently in the national
council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering .They managed to transform the entire industry wiwthin a short space , lifting wages from the least paid to the top paying industries in the country. In a space of only two years they organized two very successful industry wide strikes with the full backing of workers.
Squables began after their last strike, which left most union activists and most national council members victimised leading the strike ..That was a very unfortunate situation because could not be active anymore on the shopfloor ..To cover up for the vacuum the union had to create some extra executive posts and full time office positions to keep the expelled comrades whose experience the union could not afford to loose whilst co-opting other activists into positions. In short
the previous union leadership were turned into union bureaucrats without any powers to vote or implement decisions at the same time giving such powers to new comers who did not go through that rank and file activism
of Reflections.
Some remaining elements of the old leadership ousted by congress in 2004 successfully managed to take advantage of the situation and get the sympathy of the new leaders to purge out all progressive leaders from the union using their executive powers. High on target was the union Secretary General whom they crafted false allegations of serious misuse of funds and subsequently reported him to the police who, after investigations, found him not guilty. However they proceeded to unilaterally, without the mandate from the national council, fire him. But the GS as ordered and mandated by the national council members of three regions and the general membership refused to honor the expulsion and kept on reporting for work. Now they are seeking a peace order to stop him from reporting to office.
Late December last year the Harare region members called for a meeting where they had elections on the vacant positions in the National Council and mandated the Secretary general to move to all other regions and have similar elections aiming to hold an extra-ordinary congress early this year to immediately stop the regrouping of old right wing elements of the union now causing chaos. So far Harare has had its fine full council that has since petitioned the President of the union and his crew. It’s a very sad situation in the union now especially that it was a union which rebuilt out of struggles and had all the support from its members .
As we go to press the Secretary General is on a country wide campaign covering all regions preparing for an extra ordinary
congress.
Viva vashandi .
M Sambo
council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering .They managed to transform the entire industry wiwthin a short space , lifting wages from the least paid to the top paying industries in the country. In a space of only two years they organized two very successful industry wide strikes with the full backing of workers.
Squables began after their last strike, which left most union activists and most national council members victimised leading the strike ..That was a very unfortunate situation because could not be active anymore on the shopfloor ..To cover up for the vacuum the union had to create some extra executive posts and full time office positions to keep the expelled comrades whose experience the union could not afford to loose whilst co-opting other activists into positions. In short
the previous union leadership were turned into union bureaucrats without any powers to vote or implement decisions at the same time giving such powers to new comers who did not go through that rank and file activism
of Reflections.
Some remaining elements of the old leadership ousted by congress in 2004 successfully managed to take advantage of the situation and get the sympathy of the new leaders to purge out all progressive leaders from the union using their executive powers. High on target was the union Secretary General whom they crafted false allegations of serious misuse of funds and subsequently reported him to the police who, after investigations, found him not guilty. However they proceeded to unilaterally, without the mandate from the national council, fire him. But the GS as ordered and mandated by the national council members of three regions and the general membership refused to honor the expulsion and kept on reporting for work. Now they are seeking a peace order to stop him from reporting to office.
Late December last year the Harare region members called for a meeting where they had elections on the vacant positions in the National Council and mandated the Secretary general to move to all other regions and have similar elections aiming to hold an extra-ordinary congress early this year to immediately stop the regrouping of old right wing elements of the union now causing chaos. So far Harare has had its fine full council that has since petitioned the President of the union and his crew. It’s a very sad situation in the union now especially that it was a union which rebuilt out of struggles and had all the support from its members .
As we go to press the Secretary General is on a country wide campaign covering all regions preparing for an extra ordinary
congress.
Viva vashandi .
M Sambo
Wednesday, January 24, 2007
Mugabe Extends Dictatorship to 2010 as bosses declare war on the poor - Jambanja only way forward!!
At its December Conference, the Zanu PF regime,
resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in
2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise
them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to
cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six
months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly
senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected
Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term.
What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened
to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement
led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society
and the labour movement. As late as November the
Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced
that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due
and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or
the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that
Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for
the coming presidential elections! In view of such
cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic
situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the
regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it
launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual
war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle
classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal
economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try
and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship
and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the
poor and majority of this country. It started with
Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary
Policy announcing the removal of price controls and
all subsidies on goods and services offered by the
government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on
their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased
water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst
local councils across the country have massively hiked
rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed
school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1
280%!
On its part business has imposed savage
unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services,
farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has
trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The
Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an
average working class family, yet workers on average earn
not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses
are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients
with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have
been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers,
nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given
a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was
reported amongst the top three performers across Africa
in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as
they give workers peanuts.
But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and
have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The
opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in
order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social
movements under accountable and recallable leadership
must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship
and anti-imperialist programme to push
forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides
a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in
unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell –out
leaders and replace them with militants and push for action,
strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations
against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand
with the social movements. We must seek to build regional
and international solidarity from other movements of the
poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash
Capitalism!
resolved to cancel the presidential elections due in
2008 and defer them to 2010, ostensibly to harmonise
them with the parliamentary elections, purportedly to
cut costs. Yet this is the same regime that only six
months ago imposed a hugely unpopular and costly
senate election on the country! Similarly the regime
has extended Sekesai Makwavarara‘s term as unelected
Mayor of Harare for a fifth record term.
What is clear is that the regime has been emboldened
to do this by a cowardly and weak opposition movement
led by the MDC and its hangers on in civic society
and the labour movement. As late as November the
Tsvangirai MDC, through its de facto shadow prime
minister Eddie Cross, announced that it was convinced
that Mugabe was retiring in 2008 and elections due
and that it was therefore renouncing mass action or
the jambanja route or the “winter of discontent” that
Tsvangirai had promised, in favour of mobilisation for
the coming presidential elections! In view of such
cowardice and in the context of a worsening economic
situation with official inflation rates over 1 200% the
regime has decided to dispense with any pretences of
democracy rule but go into open dictatorship as it
launches, in conjunction with the bosses, a virtual
war on the poor, workers, peasants and the middle
classes through Gono’s IMF endorsed neo-liberal
economic turn-around programme or ESAP 2, to try
and survive.
There is no doubt that the Zanu PF dictatorship
and the bosses have declared a virtual war on the
poor and majority of this country. It started with
Reserve Bank Governor Gono in his last Monetary
Policy announcing the removal of price controls and
all subsidies on goods and services offered by the
government, local authorities and parastatals. They
were ordered to charge market rates and survive on
their own. Thus ZINWA and ZESA have increased
water and electricity charges by over 1000% whilst
local councils across the country have massively hiked
rates, by as much as 5 000%, and schools allowed
school fees to be increased at the inflation rate, i.e. 1
280%!
On its part business has imposed savage
unprecedented increases on the prices of basics like food, clothing, education, drugs and health services,
farming inputs and transport. Transport by combis has
trebled from $300 to $1000 in less than two months. The
Poverty Datum Line is now over $360 000 a month for an
average working class family, yet workers on average earn
not more than $60 000.
Of course the state and parastatal fat cats and bosses
are doing well. Gono splashed half a trillion dollars on a
Mercedes Benz – enough to supply 10 000 AIDS patients
with ARV drugs for six months. Judges and MPs have
been given increments of over 1 000% when teachers,
nurses and doctors on less than $60 000 have been given
a miserly 300%. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was
reported amongst the top three performers across Africa
in the past year, meaning bosses made huge profits as
they give workers peanuts.
But the bosses and the state have gone too far, and
have provoked a rising anger amongst the masses. The
opposition parties seeking to hijack our struggles only in
order to sell out to Zanu PF and bosses in the near future.
A democratic united front of activists and social
movements under accountable and recallable leadership
must be built with a clear anti- ESAP, anti-capitalist, antidictatorship
and anti-imperialist programme to push
forward the emerging struggles. The social forum provides
a powerful platform to start this. On the other hand in
unions workers must boot out cowardly and sell –out
leaders and replace them with militants and push for action,
strikes, leading to general strikes and demonstrations
against the bosses and the state, working hand in hand
with the social movements. We must seek to build regional
and international solidarity from other movements of the
poor and oppressed of the world, starting with the World
Social Forum in Nairobi in January.
Jambanja Ndizvo! Smash the Dictatorship! Smash
Capitalism!
Fight Erupts in Printing Union
Serious internal squabbles have erupted in the Printing union. One faction is led by old Reflections members (a rank and file group of workers which successfully mobilized and took over the union from the old corrupt ZGWU leadership. .The other side is a mixture of old ZGWU supporters, some who contested the 2004 Congress and lost and a few currently in the national council by virtue of cooption .The latter are a bunch of right wingers intent on holding workers conditions and wages down while cavorting with printing industry bosses.
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering. T
Reflections was formed around 2003 as a rank and file group to get rid of the old unaccountable ZGWU leadership which had presided over the union for over 15 years without having any elections to change leadership. In 2004 Reflections managed to push for a congress where they scooped most potions in the leadership save for a few which were retained by the old
leadership . After winning congress they embarked on a serious grass roots empowerment programme where they formed industrial structures organized in zones which had total control of the union . With this kind of operation the union became very strong and delivering. T
Social Forum: Another World is Possible
The rallying slogan of the World Social Forum WSF of another world is possible .This slogan expresses the yearning of the vast majority of society of for a different society from that of today. A society where three multinational capitalists
like Bill Gates have more wealth than three billion people, where the IMF, World bank and WTO demanded that the last dollars of poor countries be used to pay off debts accrued by local elites when hospitals are collapsing and millions are
hungry, a society where tens of thousands are killed in Iraq, Lebanon, DRC and Somalia, so that the oil and mining barons can make more dollars. A society where RBZ governor G Gono splashes trillions on a Mercedes Benz whilst three thousand people die weekly of AIDS because of lack of ARVs . In short the demands of this country’s and world’s people are for an alternative to the barbarism of the system of capitalism and imperialism. This is what motivated the formation of the WSF in Brazil in 2001 and the Zimbabwe Social Forum in 2003 .To create an open space for working people, the poor , the oppressed and exploited to discuss and strategize on how to link up our struggles and liberate ourselves , just as the capitalists and the governments, annually meet at the World Economic Forum in Davos and other national, regional and international forums.
Along with the WSF the ZSF has grown .This year the WSF meets for the first time in Africa in January .Locally, whereas in 2003 less than three hundred people attended our first event in Harare in 2004 we hosted the Southern Africa Social Forum attended by three thousand people and in 2006 they were regional social forums in Chitungiza, Mutare and Bulawayo . In 2005 we started on the road to becoming a living social forum of struggle, with the ZSF massively supporting the ZCTU called anti poverty demonstration on 8 November.
Challenges and way forward
However , the Social Forum process faces many challenges .The most urgent challenge is the transformation of the process into a truly living Forum facilitating the struggles of working people locally and internationally against dictatorship,
neoliberalism , imperialism and capitalism in general .We recommended a few ideas on the way forward • Adoption of campaigns : Some have referred to the Social Forum process as a trade fare of politics ideas ;indeed they are leading elements in the Social Forum process who would like to keep it like that as a safety valve or talk shop for working
people to vend out the anger every now and then ,but leaving the structures exploitation , oppression and violence of global capitalism intact .These elements dominate amongst many of the middle class dominated NGOs and reformists parties like the Brazilian workers party which initiated the social Forum process and still controls it up to date with
PT ‘ S LULA , once in power become a darling of the IMF and multinationals. Our actions must go beyond protests and marches but decisively general strikes that hurt the system where it hurts the most –the process of production and source of profits. The global proletariat must thas become a key part of the Social Forum process.
At the Nairobi WSF concrete resolutions on the regional and international actions shoulkd be adopted , whilst locally the ZSF should come up with a few well selected agreed campaigns and actions , which all clusters and organizations will mobilize for and support.
• Build a democratic , accountable and non commodified Social Forum .Today the Social Forum process locally continentally and internationally , is disproportionally and undemocratically controlled by NGOs and other elites at the exclusion of grass roots movements , activists and revolutionary left .The WSF charter prohibits voting and election insisting on consensus , whilst political parties are excluded .This leaves the administrative and political leadership structures of the Social Forum process controlled by un elected and un accountable self appointed middle class elites from the NGOs of their allies .Many of these become specialists in plane – hotel activism and spicing meetings with rented crowds from the poor .We call for a complete overhaul of the Social Forum structures so that leaders are elected and recallable , whilst decisions are made democratically , which means elections and voting where consensus fails .Representation at regional , continental and international structures must represent the different segments of the Social Forum process including thematic , regional and national constituencies with due and elected mandate for their constituencies. The ban on political
organizations and parties must go as they already participate but in disguise.
* Decentralise: The Social Forum process must go down right to the grass roots. If the campaigns , demonstrations and general strikes are to be successful , mobilization has to start right at the grass roots in urban , industrial and rural areas
* Unconditional open space: The demands of the SF process confine it within an ideological straightjacket. It is not for fat cats, bosses, multinationals or bourgeois politicians. Indeed most of these accept this but the agenda is non the less carried out in the Social Forum process by various of their agents and friends especially amongst the middle class run and
bourgeoisie funded NGOs or right wing lobour officials. This requires extensive educational and cultural teach ins and programmes amongst participants in the SF process to understand that its goals can only be achieved by a movement which is
agains neoliberalism , imperialism , dictatorship , multinationals – indeed against capitalism. And only but a fighting and living SF rooted in the struggles of working people and not in talk shop jamborees dominated by agents and friends of the rich and powerful. Contrary to the reformists and bourgeois NGOs they try and trick the masses saying “ there is
one bug no but many yes” – we argue that the only alternative to capitalism is the overthrow of national bourgeois states and private property internationally and bring the world’s wealth and resources under the democratic control of the working people of the world whereby production will not be for profits of the few but for the human need –that world can only be communism.
Finally , despite the above weaknesses of the SF process , it offers a very important platform , locally and internationally , bringing together many of those who are being radicalized by the failure of neo-liberal globalization and capitalism and its violent wars and who have not traditionally participated in socialist politics. It is with such strata that the revolutionary left will have to build relationships with, if it is to rise to its fundamental challenge of building a truly global mass revolutionary movement of working people that can take over global capitalism and build a new society.
by M Gwisai
like Bill Gates have more wealth than three billion people, where the IMF, World bank and WTO demanded that the last dollars of poor countries be used to pay off debts accrued by local elites when hospitals are collapsing and millions are
hungry, a society where tens of thousands are killed in Iraq, Lebanon, DRC and Somalia, so that the oil and mining barons can make more dollars. A society where RBZ governor G Gono splashes trillions on a Mercedes Benz whilst three thousand people die weekly of AIDS because of lack of ARVs . In short the demands of this country’s and world’s people are for an alternative to the barbarism of the system of capitalism and imperialism. This is what motivated the formation of the WSF in Brazil in 2001 and the Zimbabwe Social Forum in 2003 .To create an open space for working people, the poor , the oppressed and exploited to discuss and strategize on how to link up our struggles and liberate ourselves , just as the capitalists and the governments, annually meet at the World Economic Forum in Davos and other national, regional and international forums.
Along with the WSF the ZSF has grown .This year the WSF meets for the first time in Africa in January .Locally, whereas in 2003 less than three hundred people attended our first event in Harare in 2004 we hosted the Southern Africa Social Forum attended by three thousand people and in 2006 they were regional social forums in Chitungiza, Mutare and Bulawayo . In 2005 we started on the road to becoming a living social forum of struggle, with the ZSF massively supporting the ZCTU called anti poverty demonstration on 8 November.
Challenges and way forward
However , the Social Forum process faces many challenges .The most urgent challenge is the transformation of the process into a truly living Forum facilitating the struggles of working people locally and internationally against dictatorship,
neoliberalism , imperialism and capitalism in general .We recommended a few ideas on the way forward • Adoption of campaigns : Some have referred to the Social Forum process as a trade fare of politics ideas ;indeed they are leading elements in the Social Forum process who would like to keep it like that as a safety valve or talk shop for working
people to vend out the anger every now and then ,but leaving the structures exploitation , oppression and violence of global capitalism intact .These elements dominate amongst many of the middle class dominated NGOs and reformists parties like the Brazilian workers party which initiated the social Forum process and still controls it up to date with
PT ‘ S LULA , once in power become a darling of the IMF and multinationals. Our actions must go beyond protests and marches but decisively general strikes that hurt the system where it hurts the most –the process of production and source of profits. The global proletariat must thas become a key part of the Social Forum process.
At the Nairobi WSF concrete resolutions on the regional and international actions shoulkd be adopted , whilst locally the ZSF should come up with a few well selected agreed campaigns and actions , which all clusters and organizations will mobilize for and support.
• Build a democratic , accountable and non commodified Social Forum .Today the Social Forum process locally continentally and internationally , is disproportionally and undemocratically controlled by NGOs and other elites at the exclusion of grass roots movements , activists and revolutionary left .The WSF charter prohibits voting and election insisting on consensus , whilst political parties are excluded .This leaves the administrative and political leadership structures of the Social Forum process controlled by un elected and un accountable self appointed middle class elites from the NGOs of their allies .Many of these become specialists in plane – hotel activism and spicing meetings with rented crowds from the poor .We call for a complete overhaul of the Social Forum structures so that leaders are elected and recallable , whilst decisions are made democratically , which means elections and voting where consensus fails .Representation at regional , continental and international structures must represent the different segments of the Social Forum process including thematic , regional and national constituencies with due and elected mandate for their constituencies. The ban on political
organizations and parties must go as they already participate but in disguise.
* Decentralise: The Social Forum process must go down right to the grass roots. If the campaigns , demonstrations and general strikes are to be successful , mobilization has to start right at the grass roots in urban , industrial and rural areas
* Unconditional open space: The demands of the SF process confine it within an ideological straightjacket. It is not for fat cats, bosses, multinationals or bourgeois politicians. Indeed most of these accept this but the agenda is non the less carried out in the Social Forum process by various of their agents and friends especially amongst the middle class run and
bourgeoisie funded NGOs or right wing lobour officials. This requires extensive educational and cultural teach ins and programmes amongst participants in the SF process to understand that its goals can only be achieved by a movement which is
agains neoliberalism , imperialism , dictatorship , multinationals – indeed against capitalism. And only but a fighting and living SF rooted in the struggles of working people and not in talk shop jamborees dominated by agents and friends of the rich and powerful. Contrary to the reformists and bourgeois NGOs they try and trick the masses saying “ there is
one bug no but many yes” – we argue that the only alternative to capitalism is the overthrow of national bourgeois states and private property internationally and bring the world’s wealth and resources under the democratic control of the working people of the world whereby production will not be for profits of the few but for the human need –that world can only be communism.
Finally , despite the above weaknesses of the SF process , it offers a very important platform , locally and internationally , bringing together many of those who are being radicalized by the failure of neo-liberal globalization and capitalism and its violent wars and who have not traditionally participated in socialist politics. It is with such strata that the revolutionary left will have to build relationships with, if it is to rise to its fundamental challenge of building a truly global mass revolutionary movement of working people that can take over global capitalism and build a new society.
by M Gwisai
Perspective of the Global anti capitalist movement
AS we gather for the WSF in Nairobi, we need to look at where the global anti-capitalist movement is going. To do so, we need to look at the experiences of some countries.
Brazil: A mass movement sees in Lula of the Workers Party (PT). His first reforms ended workers social pensions. Yet when in opposition PT opposed pension reform. Heloisa Helen (a PT senator) opposed the scrapping of pensions and was expelled. Hundreds of PT activists resigned from PT in protest and formed the Party of Socialism and Liberty (PSOL). 2 years later a corruption scandal involving leading PT members saw thousands more PT activists and MPs defect to PSOL. Helen stood for President last year (2006). While she lost the first round of voting, she gained 12% of the vote and forced run-off elections. Lula continues with neo-liberal attacks.
Argentina: An economic collapse in 2001 led to a mass uprising in December. Ordinary people took over the streets of the capital Buenos Aires. In 14 days they forced out 4 Presidents. Popular assemblies were formed to help people survive the crisis – they focused on food distribution and what resources could be forced from the state. The level of organization made many on the left believe there was no need for
political organisation. Once stability had been reestablished, the popular assemblies ceased existing. Political bureaucrats who ran the 2 main trade union federations endorsed the 5th president after a month of uprising. Using state resources they gave unemployment benefits to weaken the movement. Today the centre-left president Nestor Kuchner maintains the neo-liberal policies of his predecessors.
Mexico: After the fraudulent Presidential elections in July last year, a province in Mexico came near to a state of insurrection. Teachers in a union branch went on strike for wage rises, new text-books and classrooms. The strike spread. Mass demos of 800,000 took place. The provincial governor responded with teargas. Demonstrators responded by blocking roads and occupying shopping centres. The state responded by hinting that the military may be called in. The losing opposition candidate eventually asks the protesters to call off their action saying that alternative action is being planned. To date nothing has happened.
Bolivia: In October 2003 came news that the government was to privatise newly discovered reserves of gas. Sporadic demos against this decision erupted into mass strikes and demos demanding the
nationalisation of the gas to alleviate poverty. President Lozada fled leading to an uneasy stability. After social peace appeared to set in, Lozada’s deputy, Mesa, continued with the programme and neo-liberalism. The law that was drawn up to privatise the gas reserves ignited the June 2005 rebellion that saw dynamite thrown at police by strikers. The country was shut down, roads were closed, the government was sacked. Morales secretly intervened by engaging in negotiations to form an interim government. The movement suddenly ended. Strikers returned to work, demos were called off. The movement paralysed the corridors of power but (1) posed no alternative and (2) failed to plan and organise to feed its own supporters. After 3 weeks of struggle and food shortages, people were tired.
Venezuela: The mirror of mass struggles globally. The struggle there has led to a split in the main trade union federation. There are those who see the government of Chaves as the answer. Then there are those who see the ordinary people them selves as the answer - and who argue that Chaves has not lead people to taking over factories, mines and shops.
The Way Forward
There are 2 different components to the struggle of the left. The one is centred around intellectuals and middle class layers (including some army officers) who identify with populist movements in townships and slums. They see nationalist or state capitalist development as the way forward. But it leads them to look at the popular movement as something they should dominate. The other is a popular insurgency against neoliberal policies on workers, peasants, urban poor and indigenous peoples.
Neither route of nationalism or state capitalism is the answer. Regimes from Chile to pre-1994 South Africa, Britain, Cambodia and Russia have tried them. It was only the members of the classes that dominated society or those who led movements that benefitted. The struggle for a new society must be in the hands of ordinary people.
by Rosa Zulu
Brazil: A mass movement sees in Lula of the Workers Party (PT). His first reforms ended workers social pensions. Yet when in opposition PT opposed pension reform. Heloisa Helen (a PT senator) opposed the scrapping of pensions and was expelled. Hundreds of PT activists resigned from PT in protest and formed the Party of Socialism and Liberty (PSOL). 2 years later a corruption scandal involving leading PT members saw thousands more PT activists and MPs defect to PSOL. Helen stood for President last year (2006). While she lost the first round of voting, she gained 12% of the vote and forced run-off elections. Lula continues with neo-liberal attacks.
Argentina: An economic collapse in 2001 led to a mass uprising in December. Ordinary people took over the streets of the capital Buenos Aires. In 14 days they forced out 4 Presidents. Popular assemblies were formed to help people survive the crisis – they focused on food distribution and what resources could be forced from the state. The level of organization made many on the left believe there was no need for
political organisation. Once stability had been reestablished, the popular assemblies ceased existing. Political bureaucrats who ran the 2 main trade union federations endorsed the 5th president after a month of uprising. Using state resources they gave unemployment benefits to weaken the movement. Today the centre-left president Nestor Kuchner maintains the neo-liberal policies of his predecessors.
Mexico: After the fraudulent Presidential elections in July last year, a province in Mexico came near to a state of insurrection. Teachers in a union branch went on strike for wage rises, new text-books and classrooms. The strike spread. Mass demos of 800,000 took place. The provincial governor responded with teargas. Demonstrators responded by blocking roads and occupying shopping centres. The state responded by hinting that the military may be called in. The losing opposition candidate eventually asks the protesters to call off their action saying that alternative action is being planned. To date nothing has happened.
Bolivia: In October 2003 came news that the government was to privatise newly discovered reserves of gas. Sporadic demos against this decision erupted into mass strikes and demos demanding the
nationalisation of the gas to alleviate poverty. President Lozada fled leading to an uneasy stability. After social peace appeared to set in, Lozada’s deputy, Mesa, continued with the programme and neo-liberalism. The law that was drawn up to privatise the gas reserves ignited the June 2005 rebellion that saw dynamite thrown at police by strikers. The country was shut down, roads were closed, the government was sacked. Morales secretly intervened by engaging in negotiations to form an interim government. The movement suddenly ended. Strikers returned to work, demos were called off. The movement paralysed the corridors of power but (1) posed no alternative and (2) failed to plan and organise to feed its own supporters. After 3 weeks of struggle and food shortages, people were tired.
Venezuela: The mirror of mass struggles globally. The struggle there has led to a split in the main trade union federation. There are those who see the government of Chaves as the answer. Then there are those who see the ordinary people them selves as the answer - and who argue that Chaves has not lead people to taking over factories, mines and shops.
The Way Forward
There are 2 different components to the struggle of the left. The one is centred around intellectuals and middle class layers (including some army officers) who identify with populist movements in townships and slums. They see nationalist or state capitalist development as the way forward. But it leads them to look at the popular movement as something they should dominate. The other is a popular insurgency against neoliberal policies on workers, peasants, urban poor and indigenous peoples.
Neither route of nationalism or state capitalism is the answer. Regimes from Chile to pre-1994 South Africa, Britain, Cambodia and Russia have tried them. It was only the members of the classes that dominated society or those who led movements that benefitted. The struggle for a new society must be in the hands of ordinary people.
by Rosa Zulu
Ethiopia, Kenya, US invade and bomb Somalia
Last month the Ethiopian military invaded Somalia. Hours after marching into the capital Mogadishu, US AC-130 “Spectre” Gunship war aircraft bombed villages in eastern and southern Somalia killing over 100 civilians – several of them fouryear
old children. The US military then announced it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and Washington regimes claimed for doing so was to stabilise the country and make it safe as part of the war on terror. Nothing could be further from the truth. The back-ground to the invasion is the takeover of almost all of Somalia by militias of the United Islamic Courts (UIC) last year. The militias drove out western backed warlords who had
dominated Somali politics for the last 15 years.
The militias victory was based on genuine popular support. Weary of the violence and brutality of the warlords, many ordinary Somalis supported the UIC. In addition several key leaders of Somalia’s clans were prepared to back the UIC in order to stabilise the country. The Bush regime had been growing closer to the warlords who were prepared to act as Bush’s agents in his “war on terror”. These warlords had a bloody record who also bitterly divided Somalia.
All this was forgotten by Bush because they would boost US military presence in the region – just across the Gulf of Aden lies the Middle East.
The UIC takeover and success was a blow to US plans for the region. The takeover was also a defeat of the Somali “transitional” government that had been formed in 2004 in Kenya. The “government” existed in name rather than fact.
As even Britain’s state owned BBC stated “President Yusuf’s administration made up of former warlords, often struggled to control its own members…Its forst 18 months…were spent squabbling over where to set up its base, eventually settling for the town of Baidoa”
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.Ordinary people’s interests have been trampled beneath the US’s desire to ramp its control of the Horn of Africa. Instead of dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.
old children. The US military then announced it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and Washington regimes claimed for doing so was to stabilise the country and make it safe as part of the war on terror. Nothing could be further from the truth. The back-ground to the invasion is the takeover of almost all of Somalia by militias of the United Islamic Courts (UIC) last year. The militias drove out western backed warlords who had
dominated Somali politics for the last 15 years.
The militias victory was based on genuine popular support. Weary of the violence and brutality of the warlords, many ordinary Somalis supported the UIC. In addition several key leaders of Somalia’s clans were prepared to back the UIC in order to stabilise the country. The Bush regime had been growing closer to the warlords who were prepared to act as Bush’s agents in his “war on terror”. These warlords had a bloody record who also bitterly divided Somalia.
All this was forgotten by Bush because they would boost US military presence in the region – just across the Gulf of Aden lies the Middle East.
The UIC takeover and success was a blow to US plans for the region. The takeover was also a defeat of the Somali “transitional” government that had been formed in 2004 in Kenya. The “government” existed in name rather than fact.
As even Britain’s state owned BBC stated “President Yusuf’s administration made up of former warlords, often struggled to control its own members…Its forst 18 months…were spent squabbling over where to set up its base, eventually settling for the town of Baidoa”
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.Ordinary people’s interests have been trampled beneath the US’s desire to ramp its control of the Horn of Africa. Instead of dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq that irregular resistance can be very effective against occupiers.
Ethiopia, Kenya, US invade and bomb Somalia to quell polular UIC
Last month the Ethiopian military invaded Somalia.
Hours after marching into the capital Mogadishu,
US AC-130 “Spectre” Gunship war aircraft
bombed villages in eastern and southern Somalia
killing over 100 civilians – several of them fouryear
old children. The US military then announced
it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali
coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and
dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of
the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia
has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly
confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq
that irregular resistance can be very effective against
occupiers.
Hours after marching into the capital Mogadishu,
US AC-130 “Spectre” Gunship war aircraft
bombed villages in eastern and southern Somalia
killing over 100 civilians – several of them fouryear
old children. The US military then announced
it was sending an aircraft carrier off the Somali
coast. The reasons that the Addis Ababa and
dealing with Somalia’s terrible poverty and the present flood
emergency, resources have been poured into arms of war.
Although Ethiopian forces have occupied most of
the UIC strong-holds, the war may be far from over. Ethiopia
has superior military arms and UIC fighters cannot openly
confront tanks and planes, the US has discovered in Iraq
that irregular resistance can be very effective against
occupiers.
Tuesday, January 02, 2007
Press Statement by the NCA on the attempted murder of its Chairman
The National Constitutional Assembly is deeply disturbedby, and strongly condemns, the attempted assassination of its National Chairperson, Dr Lovemore Madhuku on the morning of December 31st, 2006 by what we suspect to be members of Zimbabwe’s intelligence.
The attack happened at about 0030hrs whilst Madhuku, his family and visiting relatives were sleeping. The assailants doused Madhuku’s house and his car, which was parked in a garage attached to the house, with petrol (gasoline). A thread dipped in gasoline was then drawn from the house to the gate and used to light the house without causing injury to the assailants. The professionalism with which the act was organized and executed suggests the work of government’s intelligence services. Indications show that the intention was to get the car to explode during the burn and if succeeded the plan could easily have passed for an electric fault.
The family was woken up by the crackling of glass and the smoke, only managing to escape ten minutes later with minimal casualty. Madhuku’s children are receiving treatment for chemical pneumonitis - post smoke inhalation.
This is the third time Madhuku has managed to escape his state sponsored murders. In 2002, he survived an induced accident after his vehicle’s brakes had been tampered with. Again in 2004, he was abducted, tortured and left for dead near the National Sports Stadium in Harare. In 2003 during one of his several arrests was warned by one of his jailers that he ‘would die the same way as Chitepo had died’.
The attack comes at a time when the National Constitutional Assembly is mobilizing its supporters and our compatriots to defend the future of our country from the effects of the Zanu PF regime’s treasonous machinations of extending Robert Mugabe’s term of office by a further two years. This affront to the dignity of our nationhood and people will be resisted.
The attack on Madhuku should be seen as an attempt to break the resilience of Zimbabweans in their struggle to build a democratic, free and just society based on a people driven democratic constitution. Brutal campaigns against leaders of our democracy movements are meant to intimidate and cow the multitudes of our people forcing them into passive supporters of their own repression.
The NCA warns those who are being used to commit these and other attacks on our people that history will not forget or forgive them for standing in the way of the inevitable liberation of Zimbabwe. The future will demand justice for those who have and continue to suffer.
Issued: 01 January, 2007
National Constitutional Assembly
Information Office
Solidarity or support messages can be extended to Dr Madhuku on +263 11 608 692 or email: chairperson@ncazimbabwe.org, info@ncazimbabwe.org
The attack happened at about 0030hrs whilst Madhuku, his family and visiting relatives were sleeping. The assailants doused Madhuku’s house and his car, which was parked in a garage attached to the house, with petrol (gasoline). A thread dipped in gasoline was then drawn from the house to the gate and used to light the house without causing injury to the assailants. The professionalism with which the act was organized and executed suggests the work of government’s intelligence services. Indications show that the intention was to get the car to explode during the burn and if succeeded the plan could easily have passed for an electric fault.
The family was woken up by the crackling of glass and the smoke, only managing to escape ten minutes later with minimal casualty. Madhuku’s children are receiving treatment for chemical pneumonitis - post smoke inhalation.
This is the third time Madhuku has managed to escape his state sponsored murders. In 2002, he survived an induced accident after his vehicle’s brakes had been tampered with. Again in 2004, he was abducted, tortured and left for dead near the National Sports Stadium in Harare. In 2003 during one of his several arrests was warned by one of his jailers that he ‘would die the same way as Chitepo had died’.
The attack comes at a time when the National Constitutional Assembly is mobilizing its supporters and our compatriots to defend the future of our country from the effects of the Zanu PF regime’s treasonous machinations of extending Robert Mugabe’s term of office by a further two years. This affront to the dignity of our nationhood and people will be resisted.
The attack on Madhuku should be seen as an attempt to break the resilience of Zimbabweans in their struggle to build a democratic, free and just society based on a people driven democratic constitution. Brutal campaigns against leaders of our democracy movements are meant to intimidate and cow the multitudes of our people forcing them into passive supporters of their own repression.
The NCA warns those who are being used to commit these and other attacks on our people that history will not forget or forgive them for standing in the way of the inevitable liberation of Zimbabwe. The future will demand justice for those who have and continue to suffer.
Issued: 01 January, 2007
National Constitutional Assembly
Information Office
Solidarity or support messages can be extended to Dr Madhuku on +263 11 608 692 or email: chairperson@ncazimbabwe.org, info@ncazimbabwe.org
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